22 mihaela ionita niculescu

8/11/2019 22 Mihaela Ionita Niculescu

1/12

Analele Universit ii Constantin Brncui din Trgu Jiu, Seria Litere i tiine Sociale, Nr. 2/2010

Annals of the Constantin Brncui University of Trgu Jiu, Letters and Social Sciences Series, Issue 2/2010

335

IMPACTUL MODERNITII ASUPRA

VIEII PRIVATE

Mihaela IONI NICULESCUCOLEGIUL COMERCIAL VIRGIL

MADGEARU

Rezumat

ncepnd din secolul al XIX-lea, conceptulde via privata fost definit prin raportarea sa laviaa public, ca un spaiu domestic, familiar sau ca

zonde imunitate n care individul se retrage i sereculege eliberat temporar de constrngerileexterioare. Graniele dintre cele dou lumi, departede a fi n mod categoric tranate, au oscilat diferitde-a lungul timpului n favoarea uneia sau alteiadintre ele. Universul vieii private a intrat n ateniaistoricilor ca domeniu de investigare ncepnd culansarea proiectului ambiios al colii de la

Analles din 1929, potrivit cruia istoria trebuie sfie problematici sse ocupe de oameni. LucienFebvre, autorul acestor cuvinte cu valoarea uneiadevrate profesiuni de credin, anticipa astfeldebutul Istoriei Mentalitilor numitsugestiv Noua

Istorie. Istorici, sociologi, antropologi i specialitin demografie au fcut posibil reconstituireacotidianului n multiplele sale ipostaze.Privatitatea este perceputca un burg, asaltat dinexterior de constrngerile Bisericii i Statului, dininterior de aspiraiile individului spre libertate, detendina de evadare a femeii dintr-o lume

preponderent masculin. Aceastlucrare i propunes surprind evoluia cstoriei i a familieincepnd cu secolul al XVIII-lea, supranumit secolulindividualismului afectiv i al fericirii, pn la

primul rzboi mondial.

Cuvinte cheie: modernitate, via privat,drept canonic, cod civil, Noua Istorie

1.Conceptul de via privat nistoriografie

Creaie a modernitii, conceptul devia privat a fost definit ncepnd cusecolul al XIX- lea de ctre istorici,

politicieni , juriti i filosofi prin raportarea

THE IMPACT OF MODERNITY ON

PRIVACY

Mihaela IONI NICULESCUTHE COMMERCIAL COLLEGE VIRGIL

MADGEARU

Abstract

Beginning with the nineteenth century, theconcept of privacy was defined by reporting it to the

public life as a family domestic area or as an area of

immunity in which an individual withdraws and resetshimself being thus temporarily released from theexternal constraints. The boundaries between the twoworlds, far from being definitely separated, variedover the time in the favour of each and every of them.The Universe of Privacy came to the attention of thehistorians as a domain of investigation beginning withthe launch of the ambitious project of the AnnalsSchool, in 1929, according to which the history

should be of concern and deal with people. LucienFebvre, the author of these words, with a value of trueprofession of faith, anticipated thus the beginning ofthe Mentalities History, suggestively named The New

History. Historians, sociologists, anthropologists andexperts in demography made the reconstruction of thedaily events possible in its multiple stages. Privacyis seen as a burg assaulted from the outside by theconstraints of the Church and State, and from theinside by the individuals aspirations to freedom, bythe tendency of a woman to escape from the

predominantly male world. This work is proposed tosurprise the evolution of marriage and family since theeighteenth century, a century of affective individualismand happiness until the World War I.

Key words: modernity, privacy, canon law, civil law,New History

1. The concept of privacy in historiography

Being a creation of modernity, theconcept of privacy has been defined since thenineteenth century by historians, politicians,lawyers and philosophers by reporting it tothe public life with which was often incontrast. In the History of Privacy, the


2/12



336

sa la viaa public, cu care a fost pus demulte ori n antitez. n Istoria vieii

private, istoricul Philippe Aries defineaviaa privatca un spaiu familiar, domestic,

sau ca o zonde intimitate, n care omul seretrage pentru a se elibera temporar deconstrngerile exterioare i a tri, pe ct

posibil dup propriile sale aspiraii isentimente1. n aria privat, comparatadeseori cu un loc al tainei, omul pstreazce are el mai de pre, ceea ce un este dect allui i nu-l privete pe cellalt, ceea ce nu arevoie s divulge, s arate tocmai datoritdiferenelor fade regulile publice. nscrisn mod firesc n casi locuin, ferecati

mprejmuit, viaa privat este greu dereconstituit de ctre istoricii,antropologii isociologii timpului prezent.

Universul vieii private a intrat natenia istoricilor ca domeniu de investigarencepnd cu lansarea proiectului ambiios alcolii de la Annales n anul 1929 potrivitcruia istoria trebuie sfie problematicis se ocupe de oameni2. Lucien Febvre,autorul acestor cuvinte cu valoarea uneiadevrate profesiuni de credin anticipa

astfel debutul Istoriei Mentalitilor numitsugestiv Noua Istorie.Spre deosebire deistoria istorizantsau evenimenial cum afost caracterizatistoriografia pozitivist, nlecia inauguralde la College de France dinanul 1933, acelai Lucien Febvre defineaistoria ca tiin a omului, tiin atrecutului uman i nu tiina lucrurilor saua conceptelor.ndatorirea istoricului estesregseascoamenii care le-au trit3.

Surprinderea mentalitilor ireconstituirea multiplelor ipostaze alecotidianului au devenit realitate printr-oimpresionant cercetare inter i

pluridisciplinar n lung durat cu aportulgeografiei, etnologiei, demografiei,economiei, sociologiei, antropologiei,

psihologiei colective i lingvisticii.Ptrunderea istoricului de ceallaltparte aoglinzii, n intimitate, a fcut necesarreconsiderarea noiunii de sursa istoric.

Documentului propriu-zis i s-au alturat

historian Philippe Aries defined privacy as afamily domestic room or, as an area of

privacy where the man withdraws andreleases himself from the temporary and

external constraints and lives, as possible, byhis own aspirations and feelings1. In theprivate area, often compared to a place ofsecrecy, the man keeps what is more valuablefor him, what is only his and not the others,what is not allowed to disclose or to show

precisely because of the differences towardthe public rules. Naturally entered the houseor home, locked and fenced, privacy isdifficult to be reconstructed by the historian,anthropologists and sociologists of present

time.The Universe of Privacy came to the

attention of historians as a domain ofinvestigation beginning with the launch of theambitious project of the Annals School in1929 according to which the history should

be of concern and deal with people2. LucienFebvre, the author of these words, with avalue of true profession of faith, anticipatedthus, the beginning of The MentalitiesHistory suggestively named The New

History. In contrast with the history or theevents history as it was characterized by the

positivist historiography, in the inaugurallecture from the College de France in 1933,the same Lucien Febvre defined history as ascience of man, a science of the human pastand not a science of things or concepts theduty of the historian is to find the people wholived them3.

The surprise of mentalities and therestoring of the daily multiple situations

became reality through an impressive interand multi disciplinary research in long-termwith the contribution of geography,ethnology, demography, economics,sociology, anthropology, collective

psychology and linguistics. The intrusion ofthe historian, on the other side of themirror, in private, made necessary thereconsideration of the notion of historicalsource. The parish registers of civil status

joined the document itself, later secularized


3/12



337

registrele parohiale de stare civil, laicizateulterior prin trecerea n competena

primriilor, arhivele judiciare nproblematica divorurilor, recensmintele

populaiei, dreptul canonic, reprezentrilereligioase i artistice, memoriile i jurnalele,literatura epocii, legatele testamentare.

Adepi ai istoriei globale, istoriciifrancezi: Marc Bloch, Ph Aries, GeorgesDuby, Jacques Le Goff, Jean Delumeau,Fernand Braudel i Alain Corbin aurecompus n studiile lor evolutia delocliniar a relaiilor de familie i a cstorieica pri ale unui eafodaj social i culturalsupus presiunilor exercitate de biseric,

statul laic i comunitatea tributarpracticilor cutumiare. Aa cum au precizatistoricii francezi secondai de adepii nouluicurent istoriografic din diferite state aleEuropei, universul vieii private se poatedescompune ntr-o multitudine de micro-cosmosuri naionale, a cror evoluie esteindisolubil legatde specificul unei anumitesocieti. Pentru toate ns epicentrul vieii

private este familia, a crei evoluie unpoate fi ineleas n afara reglemetrilor

oficiale, a nveliului su public i nabsena demersurilor comparative.

Prezenta lucrare ii propune, pornindde la cele mai sugestive lucrri despecialitate, s evidenieze rolul deavangard al Franei n ceea ce priveteschiarea vrstei de aur a vieii private nsecolul al XIXlea, perceput de prea multeori ntr-o manier reducionist ca secol alnaionalitilor al urbanizrii iindustrializrii sau al revoluiilor politice.Rafinarea distinciei dintre via public ivia privat din veacul luminilor a fosturmat, ncepnd cu Revoluia Francez i

pnla primul razboi mondial de permanetamobilitate a granielor dintre cele doudomenii consubstaniale n devenireaindividului, a cuplului legitim sau ilegitim, arelaiilor de familie.

by shifting the responsibility to themunicipalities, the judicial archives todivorces, censuses, canon law, religious andartistic representations, memories and diaries,

literature era and testamentary bequests.The proponents of global history, theFrench Historians: Marc Bloch, Ph Aries,Georges Duby, Jacques Le Goff, JeanDelumeau, Fernand Braudel and AlainCorbin have recomposed in their studies theevolution at all linear of marriage and familyrelationships as parts of a social structure andculture under the pressure of church, thesecularized state and the tributary communityto the traditional practices. As the French

historians noticed after the newhistoriography tendency followers fromdifferent states of Europe, the universe of

privacy may be decomposed in a variety ofnational micro-universes whose evolution isinextricably linked to the specifics of a

particular society. Though, for all, theepicentre of privacy is family whoseevolution cannot be understood outside theofficial settlements, its public shell and in theabsence of the comparative approaches.

This paper aims, beginning from themost suggestive works of specialty, tohighlight the France role of vanguard in whatconcerns the design of the golden age of

privacy in the nineteenth century, a centurytoo often perceived in a reductionist manneras a century of nationalities, of urbanizationand industrialization or of politicalrevolutions. The affinage of the distinction

between public life and private life in theEnlightenment century was followed, fromthe French Revolution to the World War I, bythe permanent mobility of boundaries

between the two consubstantial areas in theformation of an individual, a legitimate orillegitimate couple and of the familyrelationships.


4/12



338

2. Evoluia vieii private ntre DreptulCanonic i Legea Civil.

Dac secolul al XVIII-lea a fost

supranumit secolul individualismului afectivi al fericirii, secolul al XIX-lea a fostperceput ca o succesiune de competiii, ntreStat si Biseric pentru controlul societii,ngrdirea aspiraiilor de libertate a femeii nviaa public i privat, sau a descturiirelaiilor dintre aduli i tineri. Din aceast

perspectivviaa privateste asemenea unuiburg asaltat din exterior de constrngerileteologilor i ale legiuitorilor, din interior deaspiraiile individului spre liberatea afectiv,

de tendina de evadare a femeii dintr-o lumepreponderent masculin. Dreptul civil idiscursul religios au fost ndeaproapesecondate de interesul medicilor pentru astabili ceea ce este permis i prohibit, licit iilicit n comportamente i atitudini, nmanifestarea codului afectiv n relaiile decuplu, ntre prini-copii.

n Frana, la sfritul sec. al XVIII-lea, dreptul canonic a capitulat n faa legiicivile, prin laicizarea cstoriei i a

divorului, concomitent cu dispariiaVechiului Regim. n concepia lui MichelFoucault, extinderea autoritii statuluiasupra societaii a avut la bazproblematicaeconomici politica populaiei ca resursvital ce necesit realizarea unui echilibruntre propria ei cretere i resursele de caredispune. Astfel, guvernele i dau seama cnu au de-a face doar cu supui, nici mcarcu un popor, ci cu o populaie avndtermenele ei specifice i propriile eivariabile: natalitate, morbiditate, durat devia, fecunditate, stare de sntate,frecvena bolilor, alimentaia i condiiile delocuit4.

Prin Constituia din 1791, cstoria adevenit un contract civil, divorul fiindintrodus prin legea din 20 Septembrie 1792,considerat a fi Valmy-ul filosofilor5.Contrar principiului proclamat de Biseric:Ceea ce Dumnezeu a unit, omul s nu

despart, acest dar neateptat pentru

2. The Evolution of Privacy between the

Canon Law and Civil Law.

If the eighteenth century was called the

century of affective individualism andhappiness, the nineteenth century was seen asa succession of competitions between Churchand State to control the society, the restrictionof the womans aspirations of freedom in

public and private life, or the relationsoutbreak between adults and youngsters.From this point of view, privacy is just like a

burg assaulted from the outside by theconstraints of theologians and lawmakers,and from the inside by the individual's

aspirations to the affective freedom, by thetendency of the woman to escape from a

predominantly male world. The Civil Lawand the religious discourse were closelyaccompanied by the interest of doctors todetermine what is permitted and prohibited,what is licit and illicit in behaviors andattitudes, in the manifestation of the affectivecode in couple relationships or between

parents-children.In France, at the end of the eighteenth

century, the canon law surrendered to thecivil law by the secularization of marriageand divorce, simultaneously with thedisappearance of the Old Regime. In MichelFoucault's conception, the extension of theState authority over a society was based onthe economic and political issue of the

population as a vital resource that requires abalance between its own growth and theavailable resources. Thus, governmentsrealize that they are not dealing only withsubjects, not even with a people but with a

population having its own specific terms andvariables: birth, morbidity, life time, fertility,health, frequency of diseases, nutrition andliving conditions4.

By the Constitution of 1791, marriagebecame a civil contract, divorce having beenintroduced by the Law of September 20th,1792 which was considered to be the "Valmyof philosophers5. Contrary to the principle

proclaimed by the Church: "What God has


5/12



339

naiunea francez s-a bucurat de un succesenorm. Contestatde Michel de Montaigne,Montesquieu, Voltaire i Diderot,autoritatea absolut a Bisericii asupra

cuplului nu permitea dect n situaii deexcepie, pentru capetele ncoronate,anularea cstoriei n cazul eeculuiconjugal. Separarea lui Ludovic al VII-leade Alienor de Aquitania, a lui Henric al IV-lea de regina Margot greu acceptat de

biseric, a fost urmat de o adevratexplozie a divorului, numai n Paris fiind

pronunate 562 cazuri, comparativ cu 1875cstorii, n primele luni de la adoptarealegii6.

Biserica n general, Biserica Catolicn mod deosebit, pentru care cstoriareprezenta o tain sfnt, a dorit ca legeacivil urmnd doctrina sa tradiional, sgaranteze indisolubilitatea cstoriei i sexcludorice posibilitate, mai puin moarteaunuia dintre soi, de a anula angajamentul ide a desface o legatur ncheiat pe via7.La polul opus Bisericii, legea divoruluiextrem de permisiv, accepta divorul pentrunepotrivire de caracter i purtare imoral,

pentru emigrarea unuia dintre soi sauinvocarea nebuniei, prin consimmntreciproc8.

Ca urmare a pronunrii cu prea multuurina desfacerii castoriei i a tendineiautoritii publice de a restrnge fenomenullibertinajului n relaiile de cuplu, codulcivil din 1804 admitea divorul numai

pentru adulter, condamnarea infamant,excese i maltratri. Cele 20 de articole dinCod dedicate reglementrii divorului auinstituit o procedur complicat menit sdescurajeze separarea juridic a soilor princonsimmnt reciproc. Sugestiv n acestsens este afirmaia unuia dintre juriti, citatde Georges Duby: O s-l vindem att descump nct o s le treac pofta tuturor.Restaurarea monarhic in 1815 a dat cel

putin temporar, cstig de cauzbisericii, alcrei recul n societate era considerat deneacceptat de ctre cler. Astfel, n 1816

legea Bonald desfiina divorul n numele

joined together, let no man separate", thisunexpected gift for the French nation hasenjoyed a tremendous success. The absoluteauthority of the Church over a couple,

disputed by Michel de Montaigne,Montesquieu, Voltaire and Diderot, allowedthe cancellation of marriage only inexceptional situations, for crowned heads inthe case of conjugal failure. The separation ofLouis VII from Alienor of Aquitaine, ofHenry IV from Queen Margot was hardlyaccepted by the church and it was followed

by a real explosion of divorces, in Paris onlybeing handed 562 cases compared with 1875marriages in the first months from the

adoption of the law6

.The Church generally, and particularly

the Catholic Church, for which marriage wasa sacred mystery, wanted the civil law,following its traditional doctrine, to ensurethe indissolubility of marriage and to excludeany possibility, less the death of a spouse, tocancel the engagement and to outbreak arelationship for life7. At the opposite of theChurch, the extremely indulgent divorce lawaccepted the divorce for inadequacies of

character and immoral behavior, for theemigration of one of the spouses or insanityinvocation, by mutual consent8.

As a consequence of cancelling tooeasily a marriage and of the tendency of the

public authority to restrict the phenomenon offreedom in couple relationships, the civilcode of 1804 admitted the divorce only foradultery, disreputable conviction, excessesand maltreatments. The 20 articles of theCode devoted to the divorce settlement haveestablished a complicated procedure intendedto discourage the legal separation of thespouses by mutual consent. The statement ofone of the lawyers, quoted by George Duby,is very suggestive: We will sell it soexpensive that no one will want it. Themonarchical restoration in 1815 was, at leasttemporarily, in favor of the church, whoserebound was considered unacceptable in asociety by the clergy. Thus, in 1816 the

Bonald law abolished divorce in the name of


6/12



340

catolicismului proclamat religie oficiala prinCartea Constituional a lui Ludovic alXVIII-lea. Prin lege a fost acceptatrecunoaterea despririi de fapt, suprimat

n 1792 i restabilitn 1804. Molipsirea cubun tiin a soiei cu sifilis nu reprezentaun motiv pentru desprirea de fapt, n timpce insulta a fost considerat cu adevratgrav, numai dac femeia dovedeamolestarea, ruinarea sau sechestrarea sa.

Deopotriv conservatorii, dar ipromotorii ideilor liberale au consideratacest divor neoficial un simplu paleativ

pentru cnu permitea recstorirea. n anul1884, Alfred Naquet, aprig partizan al

divorului, a repurtat o semi-victorie, prinproclamarea divorului-sanciune, frexprimarea consimmntului. Dupmodelul francez, n statele catolice,

protestante sau majoritar ortodoxereglementarea cstoriei i a divorului,nregistrarea i evidena actelor de starecivil a fost transferat din competenaBisericii n sfera de autoritate a Statului:Primrii i Tribunale. n Romnia trecereade la regimul matrimonial reglementat de

Regulamentele organice i supus jurisdicieiBisericii la secularizarea strii civile a fost

posibilca urmare a adoptrii Codului Civiln 1864 i a aplicrii sale n acest vast idelicat domeniu al vieii sociale n 1865.

Confruntat cu creterea autoritiiStatului i cu secularizarea Societaii,Biserica se va replia spre sfera vieii private

prin intensificarea discursului teologic nceea ce privete rigorismul moral, prinobligativitatea confesiunii i a penitenei inu n ultimul rnd prin atragerea femeilor laliturghie n contextul demasculinizrii sale.Dac la nceputul timpurilor modernefemeia a fost identificat cu un primejdiosagent al lui Satan de oamenii bisericii i de

judectorii laici9 n secolele XVIII-XIX,atitudinea fa de femeie se umanizeaz.Mai mult dect brbatul, ea este privit cucompasiune, ca o fiin vulnerabil, supustentaiilor pcatului, fa de care trebuie s

manifeste o vigilen sporit. Ca i pentru

Catholicism proclaimed the official religionby the Constitutional Charter of Louis XVIII.By law, the admission of divorce was actuallyaccepted, crossed out in 1792 and restored in

1804. The knowingly contagion of the wifewith syphilis did not really represent a reasonfor separation, while the real insult wasconsidered serious, only if the woman provedthe molestation, her ruination orsequestration.

Both the conservatives and thepromoters of liberal ideas considered thisunofficial divorce a mere palliative for itdid not allow remarriage. In 1884, Alfred

Naquet, an ardent supporter of divorce, won a

semi-victory by the proclamation of thedivorce-sanction, without expressing consent.Following the French model, in the Catholic,Protestant or most Orthodox states thesettlement of marriage and divorce, theregistration and civil status records weretransferred from the jurisdiction of theChurch into the sphere of the State authority:City Hall and Courts. In Romania, thetransition from the matrimonial regimesettled by the Organic Regulations and

subjected to the jurisdiction of the Church tothe secularization of the marital status was

possible following the adoption of the CivilCode in 1864 and of its application in thisvast and delicate area of social life, in 1865.

Faced with the increased authority ofthe State and with the secularization of theSociety, the Church will return to privacy byincreasing the theological discourse regardingthe moral rigor, by requiring confession and

penances and not at last by attracting thewomen to liturgy. If in the early moderntimes a woman has been identified as adangerous agent of Satan by the church menand lay judges9, in the eighteenth andnineteenth centuries, the attitude towardswomen is humanized. More than a man,she is treated with compassion, as avulnerable human-being, subjected to thetemptations of sin to which she should bevigilant. Just as for Protestants, Orthodox and

Jews, for Catholics the home/family


7/12



341

protestani, ortodoci i evrei, pentru catolicicasa\familia reprezint primul i cel maisemnificativ loc de practic a devoiuniicretine10. Feminizarea familiei i a religiei

au reprezentat astfel tendineconsubstaniale ale aceluiai fenomen.n timp ce brbaii se ndeprtau tot

mai mult de formele ecleziastice dedevotaiune, femeile au rmas fidele,cutnd noi modaliti de a-i mrturisicredina i a ntri comunitatea confesional,cu includerea pelerinajelor colective i amuncii n cadrul Bisericii, cu rugciuniindividuale i reculegeri n interiorulfamiliei.Apariiile Sfintei Fecioare au atras

n multe state europene o enorma mas decredincioi , n special femei de toatevrstele, frde care corpul clerical va aveao atitudine mult mai concesiv dect nsecolele anterioare. Specialitii au apreciatsecolul al XIX-lea ca o epoc asacramentului de peniten11. Examenulinterior i mrturisirea apar acum ca doucondiii ale mntuirii, sacramentulreprezentnd n mod inevitabil ocomponent obligatorie a strategiei de

salvare a moralei familiale, prin prevenireaadulterelor i evitarea divorurilor12.

Pentru Biseric, cstoria reprezintsingurul spaiu autorizat de manifestare asexualitii i un mijloc esenial prin careclerul a ncercat s controleze contiinacretin, prin disciplinarea corpului i adorinelor acestuia13. n viziunea clerului,soii convieuiesc pentru a procrea,momentele de voluptate fiind cenzurate ca imetodele contraceptive. Invocnd modelele

biblice: cuplul Iosif Maria, abstinenasexual a soilor a fost recomandat dupnaterea unui numr considerabil de copii,cu condiia ca nici unul dintre cei doi soi snu i cear celuilalt s i ndeplineascobligaiile sexuale14. Dup Conciliul de laTrento (1563), clerului i s-a impusrenunarea, n cadrul confesiunii, la detaliileerotice pretinse pnn acel moment.

Tendina de reprimare a

individualismului afectiv, a autocontrolului

represents the first and most significant placeof Christian devotion practice10. Thefeminization of the family and religion werethus, the consubstantial tendencies of the

same phenomenon.While men were more distant from theecclesiastical forms of devotement, womenremained faithful, seeking new ways toconfess their faith and to strengthen religiouscommunity, with the inclusion of labor andcollective pilgrimage to the Church, withindividual prayers and meditations within thefamily. The apparitions of the Saint Virgindrew the attention of a lot of believers frommany European countries, especially women

of all ages, without whom the clerical bodywill have a more concessive attitude than inthe previous centuries. Experts estimated thenineteenth century as an era of the penancesacrament11. Internal examination andconfession are now the two conditions ofsalvation, sacrament inevitably representing anecessary component of the strategy to rescuethe family morality, by the prevention ofadulteries and the avoidance of divorces12.

For the Church, marriage is the only

authorized area to express sexuality and anessential way through which clergy tried tocontrol the Christian consciousness, bydisciplining the body and its desires13. In theclergy vision, spouses live to procreate, themoments of pleasure being censored as wellas the contraception. Invoking the biblicalmodels: for example, Joseph Mary couple,it was recommended that the sexualabstinence of the spouses should be after the

birth of a considerable number of children,with the condition that none of the twospouses ask the other to fulfill its sexualobligations14. After the Council from Trento(1563), the clergy was required to give up,within the confession, the erotic detailsclaimed until that moment.

The tendency to suppress the emotionalindividualism, the self-control over the bodyand the new perception about the relationship

body - spirit based on harmony, has involved

in speeches and polemics, together with


8/12



342

asupra corpului i a unei noi percepii desprerelaia trup suflet bazat pe armonie, aantrenat n discursuri i polemici alturi de

juriti i teologi, oameni de cultur i

medici. Tributar concepiei renascentistedespre femeie, cu rdcini n gndireagreac, teoria medical modern a plasatfemeia ntr-un plan inferior brbatului din

punct de vedere fizic i intelectual. PentruFreud, fericirea sexual era totalincompatibil cu societatea civilizat,evideniind nc o dat faptul c ntr-osocietate de tip victorian bazat pe un

puternic sim al pudorii, sentimentele,corpul i sexualitatea au fost exilate la

periferia convenienelor specifice lumiiburgheze.

3. Individualismul afectiv i nouafizionomie a cuplului

Cu toate restriciile impuse de triadaStat Biseric Comunitate, secolul alXIX-lea a relansat ideea de libertate aindividului nu numai n spaiul public dar i

n viaa privat. Aparent lipsite deimportan, unele detalii precum alegereaunui nume numai pentru sine, prinabandonarea apelaiei ca patrimoniu detransmis, contientizarea identitiicorporale cu ajutorul oglinzii,democratizarea portretului prin apariiafotografiei i delimitarea interioruluilocuinei n spaii pentru membrii familiei,au favorizat eliberarea treptata individuluii a cuplului de rigorile colectivitii. PentruPh. Aris, nevoia unui timp i spaiu

personal se exprimsimplu prin a-i citi nlinite cartea sau ziarul, a te mbrca cum tetaie capul, a veni i a pleca dupbunul tu

plac, a iubi i a frecventa pe cine vrei15.Iubirea romantic, propulsat de

literatura primei jumti a secolului al XIX-lea, a cuprins treptat medii sociale diferite,genernd apariia unei noi conduite ninteriorul cuplului i al familiei, dominat

de afectivitate. Cercetrile demografice

lawyers and theologians, the men of cultureand physicians. The modern medical theory,tributary to the Renaissance conception aboutwoman, with roots in Greek thinking, placed

the woman secondly after the men, bothphysically and intellectually. For Freud,sexual happiness was totally incompatiblewith a civilized society, showing once againthat in a Victorian society based on a strongsense of modesty, feelings, body andsexuality were exiled on the outskirts of thespecific conventions of the bourgeois world.

3. The emotional individualism and the

new physiognomy of the couple

With all the restrictions imposed by TriadState Church Community, the nineteenthcentury re-launched the idea of theindividuals freedom not only in public but in

private life, too. Apparently unimportant,some details such as choosing a name forhimself only, by abandoning the appellationas a transmitted heritage, the awareness of the

body identity with the mirror help, the

democratization of the portrait by thephotography apparition and the delimitationof home in areas for the family members,have favored the gradual release of anindividual and of a couple from communityrigors. For Ph. Aries, the need for a personalspace and time is simply expressed byquietly reading your book or paper, gettingdressed as you want, coming and going asyou like, loving and visiting whoever youwant.15.

The romantic love, launched by theliterature of the first half of the nineteenthcentury, gradually covered different socialenvironments, creating the appearance of anew behavior within a couple and familydominated by affection. The demographicresearches realized both in France and inother states in Western Europe have shownnot only the lowering of mortality but also the

general reducing of birth. The new


9/12



343

realizate att n Frana ct i n alte state aleEuropei de vest, au evideniat nu numaidiminuarea mortalitii, dar i scdereageneral a natalitii. Noul regim

demografic, ale crui origini se regsesc nFrana n timpul Vechiului Regim, estecorelat att cu problemele de natureconomic, ct i cu afeciunea fade copii,cu un puternic sim al rspunderii pentrucreterea i educarea lor, cu dragosteaconjugal n virtutea creia soia trebuiecruat de povara unor nateri repetate intotdeauna primejdioase.

Conform studiilor realizate de FranoisLebrun, la Rouen, de la opt copii n 1670 s-a

ajuns la patru n anul 1800. Scderea netavrstei medii a mamelor la ultima nateredemonstreaz practicarea unei contracepii

prin oprire dup trei sau patru nateri, ndefavoarea contracepiei prin mrireaintervalelor dintre nateri16. n Frana,abandonarea ideologiei nataliste i diluareaconvingerilor cretine despre obligaiilemaritale, au configurat acest nou model alfamiliei non reproductive n mediul rurali urban, comparativ cu Anglia n care

modelul plebeu industrial a determinat orat ridicat a natalitii, aa cum afirmaGeorges Duby17. n statele Europeioccidentale, vrsta perfectrii cstoriei acrescut semnificativ, comparativ cu stateledin lumea mediteranean i din Europa deest, unde vechile mentaliti i modul deviatradiional au perpetuat cstoria de lavrste adolescentine i familia cu mulicopii.

Noul model sentimental, individualists-a conturat prin emanciparea tinerilor desub supravegherea stricta vrstnicilor, subinfluena migraiei spre lumea urban i adestructurrii sistemelor steti. n diferitezone ale Franei, registrele de naterievideniaz amploarea naterilor din afaracstoriei, de multe ori urmate delegitimarea convieuirii i recunoatereacopilului. Fr a fi un fenomen exclusivfrancez, n multe zone ale Europei concepia

a fost considerato precondiie a cstoriei,

demographic regime, whose roots can befound in France during the Old Regime, iscorrelated with both economic issues andwith the affection toward children, with a

strong sense of responsibility for theirupbringing and education, with conjugal lovein the virtue of which the wife should bespared from the burden of repeated andalways dangerous pregnancies.

According to the studies realized byFranois Lebrun, at Rouen, from eightchildren in 1670 it was reached to four in1800. The net decrease in the average age ofmothers at last birth demonstrates the practiceof contraception by stopping after three or

four births, against the contraception byincreasing the intervals between births16. InFrance, abandoning birth rate ideology andthe decrease of Christian beliefs about themarital obligations, set up this new model of the "non-reproductive" family in the ruraland urban areas, compared to England wherethe industrial plebeian model determined ahigh birth rate, as Georges Duby said17. In theWestern European countries, the marriageage increased significantly, compared with

the Mediterranean and Eastern Europecountries, where the old mentalities and thetraditional way of life perpetuated marriage atadolescent ages and the family with manychildren.

The new sentimental, individualisticmodel, took shape by the emancipation ofyoung people under the strict supervision ofthe elder people, under the influence ofmigration to the urban world and thedismantling of the rural systems. In different

parts of France, the records of births highlightthe growth of births outside the marriage,often followed by the cohabitation legitimacyand the recognition of the child. Without

being an exclusively French phenomenon, inmany parts of Europe the conception wasconsidered a precondition for marriage, thisshowing to the families of the two individualsthe reproductive capacity of the couple.However, the pre-conjugal births must be

correlated with a greater freedom of the


10/12



344

aceasta indicnd familiilor celor doi tinericapacitatea de procreare a cuplului.Totodat, naterile preconjugale trebuiecorelate cu o mai mare libertate a tinerilor n

exprimarea dragostei, cu precdere a celordin clasele mijlocii. Considerate adesea ocstorie de prob, ntlnirile nocturne

permiteau tinerilor logodii s-i explorezecompatibilitatea fizici emoional, uneorichiar i fertilitatea partenerului, nainte de a

pecetlui cstoria18.Ritualurile de seducie i practicile

erotice anterioare secolului al XVIII-lea nEuropa occidental, relev interiorizarealent a controlului social i emoional

specific adolescenei, nainte de asumareacontient a responsabilitilor specificecuplului legitim. n Anglia i Frana,cstoriile de convenien se practicau deelitele sociale i politice, pe baza unorstrategii familiale bine definite, n timp ce nItalia aristocraia i structurile demografice

puternic profesionalizate au meninutpractica mariajului aranjat pn la sfritulsecolului al XIX-lea.

Multiplele clivaje specifice secolului

al XIX-lea, generate de transformrileeconomice, mutaiile sociale, regimurile

politice i nu n ultimul rnd de diferitemodele culturale explic existena maimultor conduite i atitudini preconjugale iconjugale, atitudini diferite n ceea ce

privete rolul sentimentelor i libertateapersoanei n alegerea i acceptarea celuilalt.Promotorii Noii Istorii i specialitii ndemografie citind printre rnduriregistrele de stare civil i recensmintele

populaiei, au reconstituit tabloulnupialitii, evoluia natalitii, legturilelegitime i ilegitime dintre cele dou sexe,interpretnd concomitent cu aceastdificilcercetare arhivistic literatura epocii, de laBalzac la V. Hugo, jurnale, memorii,reprezentri artistice, practici cu specificetnografic pentru a surprinde rolulsentimentelor n derularea vieii de zi cu zi.Un asemenea demers este n continuare

extrem de anevoios pentru c n cultura

young people in expressing their love,especially for those of the middle classes.Often considered a trial marriage, nocturnalmeetings allowed the engaged young people

to explore their physical and emotionalcompatibility, sometimes even the partnersfertility before sealing the marriage18.

The erotic seduction rituals and theerotic practices before the eighteenth centuryin Western Europe showed the slowinteriorization of the social and emotionalcontrol specific for the adolescence, beforethe conscious assuming of the specificresponsibilities of the legitimate couple. InEngland and France, marriages of

convenience were practiced by social andpolitical elites, on the basis of some familywell-defined strategies, while in Italy thearistocracy and demographic structuresstrongly professionalized kept the practice ofthe arranged marriage till the late nineteenthcentury.

The multiple specific cleavages of thenineteenth century caused by the economictransformations, social changes, and politicalregimes and not at last by the existence of

different cultural patterns and attitudesexplain the existence of more pre-conjugaland marital behaviors, different attitudesregarding the role of feelings and theindividuals freedom in the selection andacceptance of the other. The promoters ofThe New History and the specialists indemography reading between the lines thecivil status registers and censuses, havereconstructed the picture marriage, theevolution of birth, the legitimate andillegitimate relations between the two sexes,while performing with this difficult archivalresearch the literature of the era, from Balzacto V. Hugo, diaries, memoirs, artisticrepresentations, ethnographic practices tocapture the role of feelings in the everydaylife. Such an approach is still extremelydifficult because in the European culture,from antiquity to the twentieth century, themanifestation of love is hidden, is in private

and is consumed exclusively in the sphere of


11/12



345

european, din antichitate pn n secolulXX, manifestarea dragostei se ascunde

privirilor, ine de intimitate i se consumexclusiv n sfera vieii private. Oamenii au

lsat la vedere numai ceea ce sistemul devalori, morala, demnitatea i convenieneleau permis.

Remodelarea fizionomiei cuplului iexplozia noii etici sexuale, specificesecolului XX, au fost anticipate deschimbrile produse n Frana, de la cei maifrumoi ani ai celui de-al Doilea Imperiu

pn la Primul Rzboi Mondial. PentruMichel Foucault, familia secolului al XIX-lea reprezintntr-o anumitmsuro celul

monogramatic i conjugal dar ea este nacelai timp o reea de plceri i puteriarticulate, cu relaii variate, pentru a crordescifrare este nevoie de timp, imaginaie indrzneal19.

BIBLIOGRAFIE

1. Aris, Philippe, Duby, Georges - Istoriavieii private,vol. I, II, VII, VIII, EdituraMeridiane, Bucureti, 1994

2. Corbin, Alain, Courtine, J.J. - Istoriacorpului, vol. I i II, Grupul EditorialArt, Bucureti, 2008

3. Delumeau, Jean - Frica n Occident(sec. XIV - XVIII). O cetate asediat,vol. II, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti,1986

4. Delumeau, Jean - Mrturisirea iiertarea. Dificultile confesiunii.Secolele XIII XVIII, Editura Polirom,Bucureti, 1998

5. Duby, Georges (coordonator) - Amori sexualitate n Occident, EdituraArtemis, Bucureti, 1994

6. Duu , Alexandru - Dimensiunea umana istoriei. Direcii n istoriamentalitilor, Editura Meridiane,Bucureti, 1986

7. Foucault, Michel - Istoria sexualitii,vol. I i II, Editura de Vest, Timioara,1995

8. Frevert, Ute, Haupt, H.-G.- Omul

privacy. The people left at sight only what thesystem values, morals, dignity andconveniences allowed.

The remodeling of the couple

physiognomy and the explosion of the newsexual ethic specific for the twentieth centurywas anticipated by the changes in France,from the best years of the Second Empireuntil the World War I. For Michel Foucault,the nineteenth century family represents asort of monogramatic and conjugal cell, but itis at the same time a network of pleasures andarticulated powers, with varyingrelationships, and to decipher them, time,imagination and audacity are required19.

BIBLIOGRAFIE

1. Aris, Philippe, Duby, Georges - TheHistory of Privacy, vol. I, II, VII, VIII,Meridians Publishing House, Bucharest,1994

2. Corbin, Alain, Courtine, J.J. - TheHistory of Body, vol. I and II, the

Editorial Group Art, Bucharest, 20083. Delumeau, Jean -Fear in Occident (sec.

XIV - XVIII). A Fortress under Siege,vol. II, Meridians Publishing House,Bucharest, 1986

4. Delumeau, Jean - Confession andForgiveness, the Difficulties ofConfession. XIII XVIII centuries,Polirom Publishing House, Bucharest,1998

5. Duby, Georges (coordinator) - Loveand Sexuality in Occident, ArtemisPublishing House, Bucharest, 1994

6. Duu, Alexandru - The HumanDimension of the History. Directions inthe Mentalities History, MeridiansPublishing House, Bucharest, 1986

7. Foucault, Michel - The History ofSexuality,vol. I and II, West PublishingHouse, Timioara, 1995

8. Frevert, Ute, Haupt, H.-G. - The

man of the nineteenth century, Polirom


12/12



346

secolului al XIX-lea, Editura Polirom,Iai, 2002

9. Remond, Ren -Religie i societate nEuropa. Secularizarea n secolele XIX i

XX. 1780 - 2000,Editura Polirom, Iai,2003

Publishing House, Iai, 20029. Remond, Ren - Religion and Society

in Europe. Secularization in nineteenthand twentieth centuries. 1780 - 2000,

Polirom Publishing House, Iai, 2003

1Ph. Aris, G. Duby,-Istoria vieii private,vol. I, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1994, p. 5.2Al. Duu ,Dimensiunea umana istoriei. Direcii n istoria mentalitilor,Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1986,

p.33Ibidem, p. 94Ren Remond, Religie i societate n Europa. Secularizarea n secolele XIX i XX. 1780 - 2000, EdituraPolirom, Iai, 2003, p. 225Michel Foucault,Istoria sexualitii,vol. I, Editura de Vest, Timioara, 1995, p. 1896Ibidem7

Duby, Georges (coordonator), Amor i sexualitate n Occident, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, 1994, p. 868Ibidem, p. 809Jean Delumeau, Frica n Occident (sec. XIV - XVIII). O cetate asediat, vol. II,Editura Meridiane, Bucureti,1986, p. 19310Ute Frevert, H.-G. Haupt, Omul secolului al XIX-lea, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2002, p. 1111Ph Aris, Georges Duby, Op. cit., vol VIII, p. 12012Georges Duby, (coordonator), Op. cit., p. 813Alain Corbin, J.J. Courtine,Istoria corpului, vol. I, Grupul Editorial Art, Bucureti, 2008, p. 22414Ibidem, vol. II, p. 7115Philippe Aris, Georges Duby, Op. cit., vol. VII, p. 8116Georges Duby, (coordonator), Op. cit., p. 8317Ibidem, p. 10018Alain Corbin, J.J. Courtine, Op. cit,vol. I,p. 21619

Michel Foucault, Op. cit, vol II, p. 381Ph. Aris, G. Duby,-Istoria vieii private,vol. I, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1994, p. 5.2Al. Duu ,Dimensiunea umana istoriei. Direcii n istoria mentalitilor,Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1986,

p.33Ibidem, p. 94Ren Remond, Religie i societate n Europa. Secularizarea n secolele XIX i XX. 1780 - 2000, EdituraPolirom, Iai, 2003, p. 225Michel Foucault,Istoria sexualitii,vol. I, Editura de Vest, Timioara, 1995, p. 1896Ibidem7Duby, Georges (coordonator), Amor i sexualitate n Occident, Editura Artemis, Bucureti, 1994, p. 868Ibidem, p. 809Jean Delumeau, Frica n Occident (sec. XIV - XVIII). O cetate asediat, vol. II,Editura Meridiane, Bucureti,1986, p. 19310

Ute Frevert, H.-G. Haupt, Omul secolului al XIX-lea, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2002, p. 1111Ph Aris, Georges Duby, Op. cit., vol VIII, p. 12012Georges Duby, (coordonator), Op. cit., p. 813Alain Corbin, J.J. Courtine,Istoria corpului, vol. I, Grupul Editorial Art, Bucureti, 2008, p. 22414Ibidem, vol. II, p. 7115Philippe Aris, Georges Duby, Op. cit., vol. VII, p. 8116Georges Duby, (coordonator), Op. cit., p. 8317Ibidem, p. 10018Alain Corbin, J.J. Courtine, Op. cit,vol. I,p. 21619Michel Foucault, Op. cit, vol II, p. 38

22 mihaela ionita niculescu

Documents