diplomaţia secolului xx

7/28/2019 Diplomaia secolului XX

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Diplomaia sec. XX

1. Politica extern a nazitilor i a lui Mussolini. Eecul Ligii Naiunilor

2. Acordul Ribentrop-Molotov

3. Diplomaia n timpul celui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial

4. Acordul de procentaj Stalin-Churchil

5. Conferina de pace de la Paris (1947)

6. nceputul Rzboiului Rece, evoluii strategice n deceniile 5 i 6.

7. Criza rachetelor din Cuba

8. Evoluii strategice n deceniile 7-9 ale secolului XX.

1. a) Politica externa a lui Mussolini

Politica externa a Italiei 1933-1936 - El a fost artizanul unui nou regim fascismul,care s-a manifestat att n planul politicii interne, ct i al celei internaionale.

Politica externa a Italiei 1933-1936 - Dac n interior au fost nlturate instituiile

democratice, n ce privete relaiile cu alte state, regimul fascist, mereu nemulumitde mprirea lumii dup Pacea de la Paris, a ncercat s-i traseze o imagine demare putere, folosindu-se de disensiunile dintre Frana i Germania n ce priveteproblemele Europei.


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Un prim pas a fost incidentul din insula Corfu, ocupat de italieni dupa asasinareageneralului Tellini de ctre greci. In urma acestui eveniment, Mussolini obine oprim victorie n plan internaional, datorit temerilor Franei i Angliei c Italia ar fiputut prsi Societatea Naiunilor, i mai mult, aveau nevoie de un aliat n plandiplomatic pentru a rezolva problema datoriilor de rzboi a Germaniei i cea dintre

aliai.

Dup acest eveniment, politica extern italian adopt o linie moderat, nsMussolini este mereu nemulumit, aa cum se observ i dup Locarno, cnd n-areuit s obin garanii i pentru Brener. De acum, pentru Mussolini, ideea revizuiriitratatelor i revendicrile coloniale tind s devin osatura politicii sale externe. Caexpresie a acestui fapt, a fost mereu nemulumit de ceea ce obinuse din mprireafostului imperiu colonial german, de la Frana i Anglia. Acest neajuns a fost mereuexprimat cu diferite prilejuri i a fost, n acelai timp, element de propagand

pentru deceniul urmtor.

Faptul c Italia a fost garantul Locarno-ului i aduce un plus de prestigiu, sporit apoiprin Tratatul cu Albania din 22 noiembrie 1926 prin care de fapt se crea, pentrustatul de dincolo de Adriatica, un statut de protectorat. Reuete s restabileascraporturile cu Iugoslavia i catig Fiume, recunoate imperiul sovietic, ncheietratate de prietenie cu Cehoslovacia, ntreine bune raporturi cu Ungaria, Romania,Polonia, Bulgaria, Grecia i Turcia.

De remarcat este i faptul c eful guvernului fascist preia in mai multe rnduri elnsui efia Ministerului de Externe , n funcie de necesitile stringente ale puneriin aplicare a planurilor sale, fiind mereu nconjurat de oameni de prestigiu, cu bunelegturi n mediul diplomatic european.

Un astfel de caz este acela al lui Dino Grandi, care este numit la conducereaMinisterului in 1929 i rmne pn in 1932. dup ce las externele n seama luiMussolini pleac la Londra ca ambasador, de unde va servi interesele regimului cu

tact i abilitate pn in 1940. In perioada ministeriatului su, Italia abandoneaztezele revizioniste i colaboreaz cu Societatea Naiunilor participnd la marileconferine pe tema dezarmrii i a reparaiilor, ce se desfoar n aceti ani.

Aceast politic de pace se pare c a fost o strategie adoptat de Mussolini carespera ca Italia s intre n rndul marilor puteri. Pentru aceasta, s-a folosit de politica


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de echidistant ce-i permitea s balanseze ntre interesele diferite ale marilorputeri europene. Acest tip de politic rezist i dup plecarea lui Grandi de laexterne.

Marea criza economic favorizeaz ascensiunea nazismului la putere n Germania.Mergnd pe aceeai cale, n ncercarea de a aduce Italia n clubul marilor puteri ,Mussolini reuete s promoveze Conferina de la Roma, din martie 1933, care ducela semnarea Pactului in patru sau ncercndu-se instituirea directoratuluiFrantei, Angliei, Germaniei i Italiei.

Acesta a fost nceputul de fapt al unei noi politici ce urmarea un dublu scop, avndn vedere nceputul declinului Societatii Natiunilor, dupa retragerea Japoniei dinorganizaie, nc din 1931. Pe de alt parte , era vorba de creterea prestigiului

Italiei i ncercarea de a scoate chestiunile importante din dezbaterile societare,ncercndu-se revenirea la politica de dinainte de rzboi.

b) Eecul Ligii Naiunilor.

Liga Natiunilor a fost fondat la 28 iulie 1919 dup conferina de pace

de la Paris. Principalul scop al ligii era s evite viitoarele rzboaie, nceputulcelui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial reprezentnd un esec al acesteia.

Britanicul, Edward Grey, este cel care a creat concepul de liga anaiunilor, adoptat cu entuziasm de ctre preedintele SUA, Woodrow Wilson,ca mijoc de evitare a vrsarii de snge, de tipul celei din Primul RzboiMondial. Noua configuraie politico-teritorial i complicatele problemeeconomico-financiare, rezultate din primul rzboi mondial, au fost dezbtutela Conferina de Pace de la Paris, la 18 ianuarie 1919. La aceasta conferinta,se accept propunerea nfiinrii Ligii Naiunilor, la 25 ianuarie 1919. Tratatulde la Versailles,semnat la 28 iunie 1919 stabilea apariia Ligii n partea I.

n 1920, Liga Naiunilor ia nastere in mod oficial, odata cu intrarea nvigoare a Conveniei Ligii Naiunilor, ratificata de 42 de state n 1919. SUA nua intrat niciodata n Liga datorit opoziiei Senatului american. Wilson aprimit premiul Nobel pentru pace pentru eforturile sale de a promova Liga.

Prima ntlnire a Ligii s-a inut n Londra la 10 ianuarie 1920, momentn care a fost ratificat Tratul de la Versailles, care a ncheiat oficial Primul


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Rzboi mondial. Limbile vorbite n Liga erau franceza, spaniola i engleza, iarsediul oficial era la Geneva. Filialele sale includeau Organizaia Internaionalaa Muncii i Curtea Internaional Permanenta de Justitie, cu sediul la Haga,Olanda, ambele aflate n prezent sub auspiciile Naiunilor Unite. Ea ancorporat membrii noi i a mediat cu succes dispute internaionale minore,

nsa a fost deseori ignorata de marile puteri.nceputul celui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial a fost cauza principal a

dizolvrii Ligii. Acest lucru este i rezultatul slbiciunilor ei fundamentale. nprimul rnd, Liga nu avea fora militara i depindea de marile puteri pentrupunerea n aplicare a hotrrilor. Sanciunile economice nu aveau un impactmajor asupra trii respective, deoarece aceasta putea, pur si simplu, s facschimburile economice cu alte tri, din afara Ligii.

n al doilea rnd , n cadrul ei se ajungea greu la decizii, deoarece eranevoie de vot n unanimitate pentru orice hotarare. Dorina trilor membre

de a-si proteja interesul national, n defavoarea obiectivelor Ligii a fost un altfactor, care a contribuit la slbirea acesteia. Reprezentarea n cadrul Ligiiconstituia i ea o problema, deoarece nu toate naiunile i s-au alturat sau s-au retras dup o scurt perioad. Japonia s-a retras n 1933 dup ce Liga s-aopus invadrii Manciuriei de ctre aceasta. Mai mult, Italia s-a retras n 1937,Germania n 1933 .

Autoritatea Ligii nu a fost pus la ndoial n mod serios pn lanceputul anilor 30, cnd o serie de evenimente i-au dovedit ineficacitatea.Liga nu a putut preveni rearmarea Germaniei, invazia italiana a Etiopiei,rzboiul Poloniei cu Lituania, al Boliviei cu Paraguay si rzboiul civil din

Spania.

Liga a dat dovad de pasivitate n ceea ce privete evenimentelemajore, care au dus la declansarea celui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial.Acestea sunt: remilitarizarea zonei Rhineland, ocupaia Sudetenland de ctreGermania i binenteles Anschlussul cu Austria.Acesta din urma era interzisprin tratatul de la Versailles. Germania s-a retras n final din Liga n 1937,mai degrab dect s i respecte hotrrile.

n 1935, mpratul Haile Selassie al Etiopiei condamn invazia italianaa zonei Abyssinia n scrisoarea sa ctre Lig. Benito Mussolini trimite 400

000 de trupe i pe generalul Pietro Badoglio s invadeze Abyssinia. Acestlucru s-a efectuat fr prea mare greutate de ctre italieni, care au folositarme chimice i au cucerit Addis Abeba n mai 1936. Sanciunile impuse deLiga au fost ineficiente i au fost ridicate la 4 iulie 1936.

Dup Primul Rzboi Mondial, Polonia i Lituania i-au recstigatindependena . Oraul Vilnius era capitala Lituaniei, desi populaia acestuiaera mai mult polonez. n timpul rzboiului polono-sovietic din 1920, Polonia


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a preluat controlul asupra oraului. Liga a cerut retragerea Poloniei , insaceasta a refuzat. Frana i Marea Britanie s-au ferit s intervina n conflict,prima pentru c vedea n Polonia un posibil aliat mpotriva Germaniei sauURSS i a doua pentru c nu putea aciona singur.n final, liga recunoateVilnius ca oras polonez, n 1923.

Liga a euat n prevenirea rzboiului dintre Bolivia i Paraguay din1932 pentru zona Chaco Boreal a Americii de Sud. Aceasta era utila pentruc oferea trii care o deinea acces la Oceanul Atlantic i pentru c se credeac exista zcminte de petrol acolo.

Armata Boliviei a atacat in 1932, Paraguay-ul, iar acesta a apelat laLiga Naiunilor, care rmne pasiva, nsa. Acest rzboi a fost un dezastru deambele prti, avnd aproape 100 000 de victime i costuri uriase ,care auslbit puternic economia celor dou tri.

Un alt exemplu care ilustreaza eecul Ligii Naiunilor a fost rzboiulcivil din Spania. Acesta a nceput la 17 iulie 1936 i s-a purtat ntrerepublicanii spanioli i cei naionaliti. Alvarez del Vayo a apelat la Lig in1936 cernd fora militar pentru a-si apra integritatea teritoriala iindependena politic. Aceasta totui nu a intervenit nici mcar s incerce sopreasc alimentarea conflictului de ctre puteri externe precum Germania,Italia i Uniunea Sovietica.n 1946, Liga Naiunilor a fost dizolvata n mod oficial, odata cu natereaNaiunilor Unite. Naiunile Unite au fost modelate pe baza Ligii, avnd ns ladispoziie o susinere internaionala mai puternica i o infrastructura extins,care s-i permita noii organizaii s evite repetarea eecurilor Ligii.

2. Acordul Ribentrop-Molotov.

Coninutul pactului Ribbentrop-Molotov (Ribbentrop-Stalin)

Guvernul Reih-ului German i Guvernul Uniunii Republicilor Sovietice Socialiste (notaredaciei: U.R.S.S.), orientate spre mbuntirea pcii dintre Germania i U.R.S.S., i pornindde la Acordul de Neutralitate semnat n Aprilie 1926 ntre Germania i U.R.S.S., au elaboratprezentul Acord:

Articolul I. Ambele Importante Pri Contractante se oblig reciproc a evita orice forme deviolen, orice aciune violent, i orice atac una asupra celeilalte, att individual ct i nalian cu alte Puteri.


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Articolul II. n cazul n care una dintre cele dou Importante Pri Contractante devineparte beligerant cu o a treia Putere, cealalt Important Prte Contractant trebuie s seabin de la oricare forme de ajutor pentru aceast a treia Putere.

Articolul III. Guvernele celor dou Importante Pri Contractante trebuie pe viitor smenin contactul reciproc n scopul consultrii pentru schimbul de informaii pe subiecte ce

afecteaz interesele lor comune.

Articolul IV. n cazul n care disputele i conflictele ntre Importantele Pri Contractantevor crete, acestea vor participa n orice grupri de Puteri, care direct sau indirect intesccealalt parte.

Articolul V. n cazul apariiei disputelor sau conflictelor ntre Importantele PriContractante asupra subiectelor de un fel sau altul, ambele pri vor aplana aceste disputesau conflicte exclusiv n cadrul unor schimburi de opinii prieteneti sau, dac este necesar,prin crearea comisiilor de arbitraj.

Articolul VI. Prezentul acord este elaborat petru o perioad de zece ani, cu condiia c,ulterior una din Importantele Pri Contractante nu-l va denuna cu un an nainte deexpirarea perioadei de valabilitate, validitatea prezentului Acord automat se prelungete cu

nc cinci ani.

Articolul VII. Rezentul Acord va fi ratificat n cel mai scurt timp posibil. Ratificarea va fifcuta la Berlin. Acordul va intra n viguare din momentul semnrii.

Protocolul Adiional Secret

Articolul I. n eventualitatea unor rearanjamente politice i teritoriale n regiunile ce aparinStatelor Baltice (Finlanda, Estonia, Letonia, Lituania), hotarul de nord al Lituaniei vareprezenta hotarul sferelor de influen ale Germaniei i U.R.S.S. n aceast privininteresul pentru Lituania n regiunea Vilna este recunoscut de ambele pri.

Articolul II. n eventualitatea unor rearanjamente politice i teritoriale n regiunile ceaparin Poloniei, sferele de influen ale Germaniei i ale U.R.S.S. vor fi limitate conformliniei rurilor Narev, Vistula i San.

Chestiunea privind modul n care interesele ambelor pri fac dorit pstrarea statuluiindependent Polon i cum acest stat trebuie demarcat poate fi determinat doar n cursulviitoarelor discuii politice.

n orice caz, ambele Guverne vor rezolva aceast ntrebare printr-un acord prietenesc.

Articolul III. Privitor la Sud-estul Europei, atenia este atras de ctre partea Sovieticprivitor la interesul acesteia n Basarabia. Partea German declar dezinteresul politic total

n aceast regiune.

Articolul IV. Prezentul Protocol trebuie tratat de ambele pri ca unul strict secret.

Pactul Ribbentrop-Molotov, cunoscut i ca Pactul Stalin-Hitler, a fost untratat de neagresiune ncheiat ntre Uniunea Sovietic i Germania nazist,
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semnat la Moscova, la 23 august1939 de ministrul de externe sovieticViaceslav Molotov i ministrul de externe germanJoachim von Ribbentrop, nprezena lui Stalin.

Scopul declarat al acestui pact era, din punctul de vedere oficial al

Germaniei, ca cel de-al Treilea Reich s-i asigure flancul estic nperspectiva iminentei invadri a Poloniei, petrecut, de altfel, cu osptmn mai trziu, la 1 septembrie1939. Pe de alt parte, UniuneaSovietic voia s ctige timp, s previn temporar o invazie german,ntruct Armata Roie avea prea puini ofieri superiori, dup executareamultora dintre ei din ordinul lui Stalin, n frunte cu marealul Tuhacevski, subpretextul unui complot imaginar.

n realitate, ambele ri agresoare voiau s se asigure, cel puin oficial, cvor avea spatele acoperit n procesul de mprire n dou a ceea cermasese neocupat i/sau nemprit din Europa. Cruzimea i cinismul celor

doi dictatori, Hitler i Stalin, s-au repercutat timp ndelungat, prelungind celde-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial cu Rzboiul Rece i cu scindarea Europei n douprin Cortina de fier ntre anii 1945-1989. n aceti 45 de ani, EuropaOccidental a progresat prin practicarea democraiei i a economiei libere ntoate rile aflate la vest de Cortina de fier, n timp ce Europa de est, aflatla est de Cortina de fier, a avut parte de

regimuri totalitare mai dure sau mai puin dure, dar aservite Kremlinului, ide economii centralizate, de stat.

Momentul semnrii este descris de istoricul Paul Johnson astfel:

Mcelarii Europei, ameii de butur, i jucau rolurile,mbrindu-se cu tandree i cltinndu-se pe picioare. nntregime, ei se nfiau ca un grup de gangsteri rivali, careavuseser i nainte de mprit ceva, i acum puteau s o ia de lacapt, fiind profesioniti ai acelorai afaceri.

Cu ocazia semnrii tratatului de neagresiune dintre Germania i URSS,semnatarii plenipoteniari au discutat n cadrul unor convorbiri strictconfideniale problema delimitrii sferelor de interese n Europa rsritean.

Convorbirile au dus la urmtorul rezultat:

Protocolul adiional secret (nepublicat)

n cazul transformrii teritoriale i politice a teritoriilor aparinnd statelorbaltice (Finlanda, Estonia, Letonia, Lituania), frontiera nordic a Lituaniei vareprezenta frontiera sferelor de interese, att pentru Germania, ct i a
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Uniunii Sovietice. n legtur cu aceasta, interesul Lituaniei fa de teritoriulVilno este recunoscut de ambele pri.

n cazul unor transformri teritoriale i politice ale teritoriilor aparinndPoloniei, sferele de interese, att ale Germaniei, ct i ale Uniunii Sovietice,

vor fi delimitate aproximativ pe linia rurilor Narev, Vistula i San. Problemadac interesul ambelor pri face ca meninerea unui stat polonezindependent s fie dorit i modul n care vor fi trasate frontierele acestui statpoate fi determinat n mod definitiv numai n cursul evenimentelor politiceulterioare. n orice caz, ambele guverne vor rezolva aceast problem pecalea nelegerii prieteneti.

Referitor la Europa de sud-est, partea sovietic i accentueaz interesulpentru Basarabia. Partea german i declar totalul dezinteres fa de acestteritoriu;

Acest protocol va fi considerat de ambele pri ca strict secret.

[modific] Teoria spaiului vital i cea a revoluieimondiale

Semnarea Pactului i aplicarea lui a avut grave repercusiuni asupra lumii. Anceput Al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, cu un tribut de snge nemaintlnit nistorie, cu distrugeri irecuperabile ale unor valori universale, cu suferineinimaginabile, cu prjolirea unor ntinse teritorii din Europa, Asia i Africa, cudesfiinarea unor state i uciderea n mas a unor populaii nevinovate. Hitleri-a dorit rzboiul pentru obinerea aa-zisului spaiu vital (Lebensraum), a

supremaiei n Europa i dincolo de hotarele acestui continent. Stalin l-a vruti el pentru declanarea utopicei revoluii comuniste mondiale, asemntoracelui spaiu vital german. Deosebirile ideologice n-au constituit un obstacoln calea apropierii celor dou regimuri politice, dei anterior ncheieriipactului, URSS i Germania nazist se criticaser reciproc cu vehemen.

ntre cei doi dictatori Stalin i Hitler a existat o stranie fascinaiereciproc, dei, la nivelul propagandei, regimurile lor s-au criticat cunverunare. Dac ns regimul lui Hitler se manifesta direct fa deobiectivele sale, Stalin avea asociat Internaionala a III-a Comunist.Internaionala, dei obedient fa de Partidul Comunist al Uniunii Sovietice

i de guvernul de la Kremlin, era portia prin care ncerca s-i ascund realasa politic extern. Stalin afirma mereu c politica guvernului este una i ceaa Internaionalei este alta, cnd, n realitate, ntre cele dou organisme nuera nici o deosebire privind intenia declanrii revoluiei comunistemondiale.

Regimurile instaurate n Rusia i n Germania erau, n general,antidemocratice i erau ostile i regimurilor democratice din Occident, n
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particular. O alt cauz a apropierii dintre cele dou regimuri totalitare estensuiTratatul de pace de la Versailles, att Germania, ct i Rusiaconsiderndu-se victime ale tratatului.

Documentele existente atest c, n anii 19341936, Stalin sprijinea ideea unei

apropieri i chiar a realizrii unui acord cu Hitler. O cale pentru netezirea relaiilorbilaterale mai strnse a fost oferit de existena ca stat a Poloniei. Poloniarenscuse, n urma primului rzboi mondial, dup mai bine de 100 de ani deocupaie ruso-austro-german. Din punct de vedere geografic, Polonia devenise stattampon ntre Rusia i Germania. Iniiatorul unei apropieri germano-sovietice a fostministrul de externe german Joachim von Ribbentrop. Propunerile lui, acceptate deHitler, au avut ecou la Moscova. Ca urmare, puterile occidentale au fost criticateaspru i etichetate drept instigatoare la i profitoare de rzboi. Apropiereasovieto-german din 1939 era urmarea unei conjuncturi favorabile statelortotalitare. Pentru Stalin, orientarea spre Hitler nu a fost determinat de doctrin, cide considerente de circumstan. Stalin se vedea n postura de realizator alvechiului Imperiu Rus, fapt care i-a umplut toat viaa. Duplicitatea a fostcaracteristica dominant a tratativelor sovieto-germane; sovieticii tratau i cuFrana i Anglia o msur de prevedere pentru a evita izolarea n faa uneieventuale agresiuni germane. Pe de alt parte, diplomaia nazist tatona constantposibilitatea unei nelegeri separate cu Marea Britanie i o reuit ar fi contracarateecul lui Ribbentrop la Moscova.

Consecinele Pactului Molotov-Ribbentrop (sau Ribbentrop-Molotov) au fostpractic continuate de Pactul Churchill-Roosevelt-Stalin, care a propus lasfritul celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial, n 1945, o nou remprire a

sferelor de influen n Europa, vestul urmnd a se afla sub influena StatelorUnite ale Americii, iar estul sub influena a Uniunii Sovietice.

Adesea se susine c, dac acest pact nu ar fi existat, cel de-al doilea rzboiar fi fost terminat mult mai curnd sau poate chiar nici nu ar fi avut loc.
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3. Diplomaia n timpul celui de-al DoileaRzboi Mondial

Diplomacy in World War IILooking at the Past Through the Lens of Diplomacy

Trying to Stay Out of the Good War

One of the great ironies of our past is that World War II"the Good War," the onearmed conflict that almost everyone now agrees was worth fightingwas just about

the only war in modern American history that most Americans at the time did notsupport joining. Even the three most controversial and unpopular militaryengagements in our recent historythe wars in Korea (1950-53), Vietnam (1961-75), and Iraq (2003-present)all enjoyed, at first, substantially greater publicsupport than did our entry into World War II. Pollsters in 1950 found that a hugemajorityabout three-quarters of the American peoplebelieved their country'smilitary intervention in Korea to have been "worth it"; nearly identical three-fourthsmajorities backed the Vietnam War in 1965 and the Iraq War in 2003. (Only later, ascasualties mounted and victory proved elusive, did public support for those conflictsbegin to drop.) By contrast, as late as the summer of 1940nearly a year afterWorld War II began with Nazi Germany's blitzkriegconquest of Polanda full 79% of

the American people told pollster George Gallup that they would vote "no" if thequestion of American entry into the war were put up to a referendum.2 It's hard toargue against the notion that the fight against global fascism was a good and justcause; it just happened to be one that the American people had to be dragged into,kicking and screaming, very much against their will.

By the time the United States finally joined the conflict in December 1941infurious response to Japan's devastating surprise attack against the American navalstation at Pearl Harbor, HawaiiChina had already been fighting against the

Japanese for four and a half years. The British had been at war with Nazi Germany

for more than two years, for much of that time standing utterly alone in Europe inopposition to Adolf Hitler's dreams of fascist empire. Even Josef Stalin's SovietUnion, which had shamefully negotiated a non-aggression pact with the Nazis in1939, had been desperately fighting against a German advance on the EasternFront for almost six months. America's late entry into the war came not a momenttoo soon for these beleaguered Allies, for whom the first years of the conflict hadbeen marked mostly by devastating setbacks and catastrophic defeats.
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Divergent Roads to War

The road to American entry in World War II was not, then, a straight or simple one.In fact, we might say that there were really three separate roads to war, each oneseemingly pointing in a different direction until they unexpectedly merged at Pearl

Harbor. The first, in Europe, was as straight and fast as the autobahn freeways AdolfHitler built across Germany, as the Nazis' repeated acts of military aggressionpushed the continent inexorably toward war. The second, in the United States, wasnot so much a road as a roadblock, as the American people and theirrepresentatives in congress did everything possible to avoid being drawn into theconflict. And the third, also in the United States, was as winding and rocky as aforgotten country backroad, as President Franklin Roosevelt slowly maneuvered thecountry into a position of support for the Allies despite overwhelming public opinion(and a series of restrictive laws) that demanded strict neutrality.

Responding to Hitler with NeutralityFranklin Roosevelt took office in the spring of 1933, his arrival in the White Housecoinciding almost exactly with the end of the bleakest winter of the GreatDepression. Less than three weeks later, Nazi Party leader Adolf Hitler becamedictator of Germany. (The same conditions of prolonged economic despair thatensured Roosevelt's election in the United States fueled Hitler's rise to power inGermany.) While Hitler's quick seizure of total control over the German governmentwas troubling, most Americans at the time were far too preoccupied with their owndire problems to pay much attention.

Harder to ignore was Hitler's March 1935 order for German rearmament andreinstatement of a military drafta blatant violation of the Versailles Treaty of1919, which supposedly barred Germany from building an army of more than100,000 men. Britain and France responded to this first of Hitler's manyprovocations with nothing more than a weak word of diplomatic protest; the UnitedStates Congress responded even more nonconfrontationally by passing theNeutrality Act of 1935, which made it illegal for any American (including thepresident) to supply weaponry or other war-related supplies to any party in aforeign conflict. Congress's clear intent in passing the law was to tie the president'shands from ensnaring the United States in any potential European conflict by

providing one side or the other with "aid short of war"; in the years since World WarI, most Americans had come to blame American financial assistance to Britain in theperiod prior to 1917 for eventually drawing the country into a pointless and costlymilitary intervention. The Neutrality Act embodied their determination not to let ithappen again, even if staying out meant that the western democracies would haveto stand alone against fascist aggression. Rooseveltalready growing concernedabout the Nazi menacechafed against the rigid requirements of strict neutralitybut felt he had no choice politically but to sign the act into law.
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The events of the next five years unfolded along much the same pattern, withcongress and the American public responding to Hitler's increasingly provocativeacts by hewing ever closer to a policy of isolationism and neutrality, while Rooseveltquietly (and quite possibly illegally) shifted the country's military and diplomatic

apparatus onto an anti-fascist war footing.

From the Nazi Olympics to the Rape of Nanking

Early in 1936, congress passed an even stricter new Neutrality Act, now forbiddingall loans to foreign warring nations in addition to the ban on direct military aid. Amonth later, Hitler moved his army into the supposedly demilitarized Rhinelandregion along the German border with France. Still, the United Stateslike everyother major western nation save the Soviet Unionsent a sizable delegation ofathletes to participate in the Berlin Olympic Games that summer, helping Hitler tolegitimize his regime and achieve one of his greatest propaganda successes. (Thetriumphant Berlin Games, perfectly stage-managed to glorify the "Aryan" Germanpeople and their Nazi regime, dramatically improved Hitler's public image aroundthe worldthough the fhrer was said to be enraged by the humiliation ofwitnessing African-American sprinterJesse Owens crush "superior" white athleteswhile winning four gold medals before rapturously cheering German crowds.)

Towards the end of 1936, a poll found that 95% of the American people opposedtaking part in any possible military conflict in Europe.3

In 1937, World War II began in earnest in Asia when Japanese forces invaded China,a longtime American ally. Stories in the western press soon began to describe in

horrifying detail the "Rape of Nanking," in which rampaging Japanese soldierscommitted all manner of atrocities against the civilian inhabitants of that Chinesecity. Still, few Americans favored strong action against Japan; as late as July 1939, apoll found that only 6% favored military intervention against Japanese aggression inChina.4 In 1937, with crisis in Asia looming, Congress passed an even strongerNeutrality Act, now banning American ships from carrying passengers or goods ofany type at all to foreign nations embroiled in war. The strict new law made itvirtually impossible for the United States to offer any meaningful support to its alliesif they were threatened by fascist aggression.

Americans Back Neville Chamberlain's "Peace For Our Time"In 1938, Hitler's malevolent intentions in Europe became all but impossible to deny.In March, Nazi Germany swallowed up Austria through an act of annexation. Sixmonths later, Hitler demanded that Czechoslovakia hand over to him theSudetenland, a large region adjacent to Germany populated by many German-speaking inhabitants. Though Czechoslovakia was prepared to fight to defend itsborders, French leaders joined British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain in
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traveling to Munich to negotiate a peaceful settlement with Hitler. (Czechoslovakiawas not allowed to take part in the Munich conference.) Hoping to appease Hitler bycaving in to his demands, British and French negotiators allowed the Germandictator to seize the Sudetenland in exchange for a worthless promise to abandonall plans for further territorial expansion. Chamberlain returned to London pleased

with the deal, infamously proclaiming that the compromise had guaranteed "peacefor our time." But Chamberlain's confidence proved to be tragically misguided, andhistory's judgment of the appeasement at Munich has been deservedly harsh.Neville Chamberlain is remembered today as one of the most despised and ridiculedpublic figures of the twentieth century. At the time, however, a large majority of59% of the American people believed he had done "the best thing in giving in toGermany instead of going to war."5

Kristallnacht: Beginning of the Holocaust

By late 1938, it became impossible to deny the violent intentions of Nazi policiestoward Germany's Jews. Since rising to public prominence, Hitler had alwaysengaged in venomously anti-Semitic rhetoric, and since 1933 he had imposed aseries of discriminatory laws that stripped Jews of most civil rights, but until 1938his hatred of the Jewish people had not yet led to widespread violence againstthem. But that changed on 9 November 1938, forever remembered as Kristallnachtthe "Night of Broken Glass"in which Nazi storm troopers and ordinary Germancitizens whipped into a fury by anti-Semitic propaganda organized a nationwidepogrom against Jewish homes, synagogues, and businesses. Across the whole ofGermany, hundreds ofsynagogues burned and an estimated 7,500 Jewish-ownedbusinesses were smashed and looted. At least 91 Jews were murdered, and many,

many moreperhaps 30,000were arrested by Hitler's special police and sent toconcentration camps; for the first time, the Nazis had begun rounding up largenumbers of Jews for no reason other than their ethnicity. Most historians now citeKristallnachtas the beginning of the Holocaust. Although the anti-Semitic violenceofKristallnachtwas widely covered in the American press at the time, it still movedfew Americans to reconsider their isolationist stance. As late as April 1939, 84% ofthe American people still opposed military intervention in what had come to be seenas an almost inevitable European war; a month later, 69% opposed even lendingmoney to Britain and France to help them mount a serious fight against Hitler.6Roosevelt begged congress to loosen its restrictions on aid to the Allies, but he was

firmly rebuffed.

Fall of Poland and France

On 1 September 1939, German tanks rolled across the border into Poland, provingNeville Chamberlain's promise of "peace for our time" to have been hopelesslynaive. Though neither Britain nor France had been able to fully prepare their armedforces to confront Adolf Hitler's ferocious military juggernaut, leaders of both
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nations felt they had no choice but to declare war against Germany after this latestintolerable transgression. World War II had officially begun. Roosevelt, by nowdetermined to do everything in his power to aid the Allies, finally won a smallconcession from congress; the Neutrality Act of 1939 ended the absolute ban on theshipment of military supplies to warring nations, but still imposed a firm

requirement that foreign states pay for all purchases in cash and transport all warmateriel in their own ships. With the treasuries of Britain and France alreadydepleted and German U-boat submarines dominant in the Atlantic, this "cash-and-carry" provision of the new Neutrality Act significantly impeded Roosevelt's abilityto help the Allies carry on the fight.

The war in Europe took a disastrous turn for the worse in the early summer of 1940.After many months of "phony war"in which Britain and France were nominally atwar with Germany, but the countries' armies did little actual fightingGermanylaunched a full-scale blitzkrieg invasion of France on 10 May 1940. Prepared for arepeat of First World War-style trench warfare rather than fast-moving tank combat,the French army found itself immediately overwhelmed. The German advancemoved so fast that an entire British expeditionary force of more than 200,000 menwas cut off and surrounded at the French port of Dunkirk; only a desperate navalevacuationwhich included, as a last resort, the use of tiny civilian fishing boatsand pleasure craftsaved the British army from capture or destruction.

Less than six weeks after the fighting began, the French government was forced tosurrender. Triumphant Nazi soldiers marched down the Champs-Elyses in Paris,reveling in the total defeat of their age-old French enemies. In England, WinstonChurchill took over as prime minister from the disgraced Neville Chamberlain and

promised to carry on the fight against Hitler's seemingly invincible military force."We shall not flag or fail," Churchill proclaimed before Parliament on 4 June 1940."We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas andoceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, weshall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches,and we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in thestreets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender." Inspired by Churchill'sresolve, most Americans began to sympathize with Britain, tilting against Germanyin the conflict. Still, though, they had little interest in joining Churchill in thestruggle directly; a month after his famous speech, a poll found that 79% of the

American people would vote to "stay out of the war" if they were given a chance toparticipate in a referendum on the question. In those darkest days of the SecondWorld War, as the British people endured constant aerial bombardment and bracedthemselves for an expected German invasion, as the specter of a Europe totallydominated by Adolf Hitler loomed as a very real possibility, four out of fiveAmericans wanted nothing more than to stay out of the conflict.

Roosevelt's War
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Franklin D. Roosevelt, by this time, had begun devising ways to circumvent theisolationist restrictions of the Neutrality Acts in order to offer the maximum possibleassistance to the British. "If my neighbor's house catches fire," the presidentexplained to one of his advisers, "and I know that fire will spread to my houseunless it is put out, and I am watering the grass in my back yard, and I don't pass

my garden hose over the fence to my neighbor, I am a fool."7

Immediately after the fall of France, Roosevelt took the legally dubious measure ofdeclaring millions of rounds of ammunition and American firearms to be "surplus" tomilitary requirements, and thus supposedly exempt from the ban on directshipment to England. Later in 1940, he worked around a congressional ban on salesof warships by agreeing to "trade" fifty aging destroyers to Britain in exchange for99-year leases on several British naval bases in the Caribbean. Early in 1941,Roosevelt proclaimed that the defensive maritime perimeter of the "Pan-AmericanSecurity Zone" extended all the way to Iceland in the North Atlantic; he thusauthorized himself to dispatch American naval squadrons to defend convoys ofmerchant ships from German submarine attacks for nearly half the length of their

journey to Britain. The result, by the second half of 1941, was undeclared but veryreal and sustained naval warfare between American ships and German submarinesin the Atlantic. Acting against the clear intent of congress and, arguably, outside thelaw, Roosevelt had effectively if unofficially entered his reluctant country into WorldWar II.

Only his country didn't quite know it yet. Through 1940 and 1941, one of the mostpowerful mass organizations in American politics was the America First Committee,which was formed in late 1939 and quickly won the support of at least hundreds of

thousands, if not indeed millions, of Americans by arguing vigorously against U.S.entry into the war. America First had a powerful spokesman in aviator CharlesLindbergh, who had been a major national hero since the 1920s, and it embodiedthe fiercely isolationist attitude of a huge proportion of the American people. Rightup to the moment when Japanese bombs began falling on American ships at PearlHarbor, manyperhaps mostAmericans continued to hope against hope that theycould stay out of "the Good War" entirely. After 7 December 1941, of course,isolationist sentiment quickly vanished, as Americans demanded vengeance against

Japan's surprise attackalthough there is some question whether FDR would havebeen able to obtain a declaration of war against Germany, as well as Japan, if Hitler

hadn't gratuitously declared war against the United States first. In retrospect, itbecame clear that America's entry into the conflict was the beginning of the end forthe Axis powers. Butas the desperate British and French and Chinese and Sovietsunderstood all too well during the difficult first years of the Second World Waritwas a turning point that was painfully slow in coming.

The Attack on Pearl Harbor
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Japan invaded in China in 1937, using its superior military to overwhelmpoorly trained and ill-equipped Chinese forces along much of the country'scoastline and far into portions of its vast interior. Within months, Japan'sImperial Army captured Nanking, the capital of China's Nationalistgovernment, punishing the civilian population of the city for its brief

resistance by indulging in an orgy of atrocity; the infamous outbreak of rape,looting, murder, and mayhem known ever after as the "Rape of Nanking"ended with the city ruined and as many as 300,000 innocent people dead.

The United States, still hoping not to be drawn into the overseas conflictsembroiling Europe and Asia, remained officially neutral in the Sino-Japaneseconflict. But widespread reports of Japanese brutality made most Americanssympathetic to the plight of the Chinese people, and the federal governmentbegan working to embargo shipments of oil, airplane fuel, and other warmaterials to Japan. The Americans viewed the trade restrictions as a clearbut not belligerent signal of their disapproval of Japan's aggressively

expansionistic actions. Japan's military rulers, however, came to seeAmerican efforts to restrict their access to vital raw materials as a virtual actof war. Japan was an island nation, lacking natural resources of its own. If theUnited States succeeded in shutting off its access to foreign oil, steel, iron,and rubber, the huge Japanese military machine would soon grind to a halt.

Hoping to avoid war, the two nations engaged in contentious diplomaticnegotiations through much of 1941. However, with Japan ultimately unwillingto give up its aggressive ways in the Pacific, and the United States unwillingto sanction Japan's militaristic acts, those negotiations soon turned intostalemate. On the morning of Sunday, 7 December 1941, Japan broke that

stalemate in the most shocking way possible. More than 400s Japanesebombers, launched from a fleet of six aircraft carriers, executed adevastating surprise assault on the United States naval base in Pearl Harbor,Hawaii, the destroying most of the U.S. Pacific air fleet and many of thenaval vessels in the harbor. Nearly 2,500 American servicemen died, andover 1,000 more suffered wounds in the attack.

Japan's decision to attack Pearl Harbor had been made in the deeplymisguided hope that a sudden knockout blow against the American PacificFleet would make it impossible for the United States to intervene againstJapan in Asia. Instead, the attack enraged the American people and

galvanized them into action. The next day, President Roosevelt denouncedJapan's attack, calling 7 December "a date which will live in infamy," andCongress declared war on Japan. Just three days later, Germany and Italydeclared war on the United States, and Congress responded by declaring waragainst the two European Axis nations. By mid-December 1941, the UnitedStates was finally and officially engaged in a world war.

The "Germany First" Strategy
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Despite Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor and the clear threats facing theUnited States in the Pacific, President Franklin D. Roosevelt pledgedAmerican support to Great Britain and Russia in the arduous fight againstGermany. The Pacific Front would have to wait.

By 1942, when the first U.S. troops arrived in Europe, German troops held aclear advantage over the British. Hitler had managed to trample the Polishand French armies and continued to push west. Germany also controlled thewaters; German U-boat submarines were far more powerful andtechnologically advanced than any Allied naval vessel. Hitler's navy haddestroyed hundreds of Allied battleships and threatened British andAmerican merchant vessels.

Hitler's armies invaded Russia in June 1941, and the Soviet Union's RedArmies suffered tremendous casualties in their struggle to push backGerman forces on its western front. Believingrightly sothat his nation

bore the brunt of the war, Russian dictator Josef Stalin demanded theimmediate assistance of the Allied nations. Stalin realized that without help,Germany would triumph. President Roosevelt and British Prime MinisterWinston Churchill agreed to limited cooperation with Stalin, concluding thatNazi Germany was, in fact, far worse a threat than Communist Russia. Inreturn, Stalin pledged his aid in the war against Japan once Germany hadbeen defeated.

The Normandy Invasion

By the summer of 1944, Germany stood alone, the last of the Axis forces in

Europe. In September 1943, following successful Allied campaigns in theMediterranean, the Italian government had surrendered. Still, strong Germanforces occupied much of Italy and continued to control France, sapping thestrength of Allied troops. Hitler's momentum had not yet been broken.

Allied leaders decided to attack German forces in France. By June 1944,nearly 3 million troops, thousands of fighter planes and ships, and 2.5 milliontons of supplies had been gathered in Great Britain in preparation for a large-scale assault on Hitler's strongholds in France.8 On June 6, swarms of troopsand armored military vehicles landed on the beaches of Normandy inNorthern France. Although the Nazi armies had not expected the attack from

the North, they mobilized quickly. Thousands of GIs died that day. Warcorrespondent Ernie Pyle remembers, "Men were sleeping on the sand, someof them sleeping forever. Men were floating in the water, but they didn'tknow they were in the water, for they were dead."9

The Fall of Nazi Germany
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Still, the Allied offensive was triumphant. By the end of July, German troopshad begun to retreat, and on August 25, two weeks after President Roosevelthad died suddenly of a cerebral hemorrhage, Paris had been liberated. Downhalf a million men, Nazi armies turned toward the German homeland tofortify its borders. By January 1945, Allied armies had pushed Hitler's troops

even further into the German interior, and by March Germany had been allbut defeated. On May 1, Adolf Hitler committed suicide in Berlin. Thefollowing day, the German government surrendered, ending the war inEurope.

Atomic Victory

While the war in Europe had come to a close, the conflict in the Pacific onlyintensified. Under President Harry S. Truman, the United States struggled toforce Japanese military leaders to surrender. After three years of some of themost ferocious fighting in the entire war, there seemed no end in sight. Allied

leaders assembled in Potsdam near Berlin in late July to send an ultimatumto Japan. "The alternative to surrender," they informed Japanese leaders, "isprompt and utter destruction."10

When no surrender came, President Harry Truman, with the support of Alliednations, gave the orders to drop an atomic bomb on Japan. On the morningof 6 August 1945, a U.S. bomber deployed the first nuclear weapon to everbe used in war. "Little Boy," as it was referred to in code, destroyed the cityof Hiroshima, killing over 130,000 people instantly. Thousands more sufferedand ultimately died from injury and illness inflicted by the explosion.

Just three days later, on the morning of 9 August 1945, the United Statesdropped another nuclear bombthis one called "Fat Man"on the Japaneseport city of Nagasaki. The explosion incinerated everything within a two-mileradius. Some 75,000 people, or nearly one-third of the total population ofNagasaki, perished in the attack, while thousands more died in the followingyears from radiation sickness.

The use of the most terrible weapon in existence ultimately led to Japan'ssurrender and brought World War II to an abrupt end.

The Terrible Cost

Such an ending to the Second World War, with the deaths of tens ofthousands of civilians in Japan, was, in the words of historian Eric Foner, "thelogical culmination of the way World War II had been fought."11 A war thathad begun on battlefields, spilled quickly into densely populated regionswhere millions of noncombatantsmostly women, children, and elderly menlost their lives. While 10% of all those killed in World War I were civilian
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casualties, an astounding 40% of the total number of those who died inWorld War II were noncombatants. That is, roughly 20 million of the 50million who perished were people simply going about their daily lives. In1939, a Washington Postheadline declared, "Both Sides Agree Not to BombCivilians." By the end of the war, however, cities full of civiliansLondon,Coventry, Hamburg, Dresden, Tokyohad been bombed, Nazi Germany hadmethodically murdered millions of innocent people they deemed to bemembers of "inferior races," and the thriving cities ofHiroshima andNagasaki had been flattened by nuclear bombs. The "Good War" left a greatpath of destruction in its wake.

4. Acordul de procentaj Stalin-Churchil

Acordul de procentaj este nelegerea dintre Churchill i Stalin prin care sefixau, ntr-o manier neobinuit n practica diplomatic, adic prin procente,

infl uena Marii Britanii (n nelegere cu SUA) i a Uniunii Sovietice n rileEuropei de Sud-Est.

n memoriile sale, Winston Churchill a relatat pe larg ntlnirea sa cu Stalin,din seara zilei de 9 octombrie 1944 (discuiile au nceput la orele 22.00), ncursul creia, constatnd c the moment was apt for business (momentulera propice pentru tranzacii), i-a propus dictatorului sovietic, n vedereaevitrii tensiunilor ntr-o zon de interes pentru cele dou mari puteri,urmtoarele procente:

Romnia: Rusia 90%

Alii 10%

Grecia: Marea Britanie 90%

Rusia 10%

Iugoslavia: 50% 50%
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Ungaria: 50% 50%

Bulgaria: Rusia 75%

Alii 25%

n cursul negocierilor din zilele urmtoare dintre Anthony Eden, ministrul deExterne al Marii Britanii, i Viaceslav M. Molotov, comisarul poporului pentruAfacerile Strine al URSS, procentele propuse de Churchill au fost modificaten cazul Bulgariei i al Ungariei, Uniunea Sovietic obinnd, n cele dou ri,o influen cotat la 80%. Istoricii nu sunt de acord asupra semnificaieiacestor procente. Este, ns, evident c ele dezvluiau ponderea pe careprotagonitii Marii Aliane (URSS, Marea Britanie i SUA) aveau s le dein nfixarea destinului rilor cuprinse n Acordul de procentaj. Pn foarte decurnd, am crezut c, la originea nelegerii anglo-sovietice din octombrie1944, s-au aflat doi factori:

a) interesul Marii Britanii de a avea controlul asupra Greciei, verig capitaln meninerea bazinului oriental al Mediteranei sub dominaie britanic dac Armata Roie ar fi intrat n Grecia sau Partidul Comunist ar fi luatputerea la Atena, Grecia ar fi fost pierdut pentru Marea Britanie, iar Suezul,punct de maxim interes strategic, pe drumul imperial, care lega MareaBritanie de posesiunile sale de la est de Suez, s-ar fi gsit sub ameninareadirect a URSS, interesele de securitate ale Marii Britanii cernd, aadar, caLondra s mpiedice o prezen militar sovietic n Grecia;

b) al doilea factor care a determinat Acordul de procentaj a fost incidentul

survenit ntre Moscova i Londra, n legtur cu prezena n Romnia agrupului Autonomous, trimis de Special Operations Executive, o structurinformativ i de sabotaj, care inea legtura cu micrile de rezisten dinrile ocupate sau controlate de cel de-al treilea Reich: n noaptea de 21/22decembrie 1943, un grup de trei ageni ai SOE, denumit Autonomous icompus din Gardyne de Chastelain, Ivor Porter i Silviu Meianu, a fostparautat n Romnia, o eroare fcnd ca cei trei s ajung n alt zon,unde au fost capturai de jandarmii romni (n apropiere de satul Plosca,judeul Teleorman), la cteva ore de la aterizare (istoria acestui grup estecunoscut publicului cititor romnesc din cartea lui Ivor Porter, OperaiuneaAutonomous, trad. George G. Potra i Delia Rzdolescu, Bucureti, Ed.

Humanitas, 1991); obiectivul principal al Operaiunii Autonomous era de a-lconvinge pe Iuliu Maniu, preedintele PN i figura cea mai important aopoziiei din Romnia, s nu ocoleasc Uniunea Sovietic n demersurile sale,urmrind desprinderea Romniei de Germania i ncheierea armistiiului cuprotagonitii coaliiei antihitleriste. Att opoziia, ct i regimul Antonescu ipuneau speranele n anglo-americani i evitau contactele cu Moscova. Loialialianei cu URSS, britanicii i cereau, aadar, lui Maniu s se adreseze tuturorprotagonitilor Marii Aliane; dei militari ai unei ri cu care Romnia era n


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rzboi, membrii grupului Autonomous au fost tratai excelent, fiind deinuila Inspectoratul General al Jandarmeriei i au purtat discuii cu EugenCristescu, eful Serviciului Special de Informaii, generalul Constantin Z.Vasiliu (Piky), eful Jandarmeriei, i adjunctul acestuia, generalul GheorgheTobescu; lui de Chastelain i s-a organizat o ntlnire cu Maniu, iar membrii

grupului au fost implicai n comunicrile radio ale marealului Ion Antonescucu generalul englez Maitland Wilson, comandantul forelor aliate dinMediterana Oriental; acest ultim fapt a provocat o mare iritare la Moscova,care, printr-un mesaj al lui Molotov ctre Churchill, din 30 aprilie 1944, aacuzat Marea Britanie c a stabilit o nelegere cu regimul Antonescu alecrei scopuri sunt necunoscute guvernului sovietic i ngreuneaz astfelcapitularea Romniei; n consecin, Moscova cerea Londrei s prezinteexplicaii n legtur cu activitatea acestui grup; la 2 mai 1944, Churchill aredactat un rspuns dur la mesajul lui Molotov, dar Eden l-a atenuat pentru anu agrava tensiunile dintre cei doi aliai; pentru a evita, pe viitor, apariiaunor astfel de incidente, la 5 mai 1944, au nceput la Londra discuii anglo-

sovietice privind delimitarea sferei de activitate a celor dou mari puteri nEuropa de Sud-Est, ntemeiate pe principiul c Romnia aparine sfereisovietice de interese, iar Grecia celei britanice.

Aceasta era imaginea pe care am susinut-o i eu, pn acum.

Studiul unui istoric rus Aleksandr A. Kalinin, Convorbirile sovieto-britanicedespre delimitarea sferelor de influenn Europa, n 1944 (Vopros istorii,2009, nr. 9, p. 19-36) aduce informaii noi, care oblig la revizuirea acesteiinterpretri. n condiiile n care Uniunea Sovietic era perceput n cercurileanglo- americane ca o sprijinitoare a comunitilor greci, deintori ai

mijloacelorde for capabile s le permit luarea puterii, guvernul britanic afost ngrijorat de perspectiva ieirii Greciei de sub influena sa. n contextulatacurilor Ageniei TASS mpotriva guvernului grec din exil (se tia caceast agenie reprezint punctul de vedere al guvernului sovietic), la 16aprilie 1944 Churchill a adresat un mesaj lui Molotov n care a exprimatrugmintea de ncetare a propagandei TASS. Churchill a dat de neles cLondra este gata s recunoasc interesele sovietice n Romnia i a propus,n fapt, Moscovei, o tranzacie: partea sovietic s domine n Romnia nschimbul recunoaterii Greciei n sfera britanic de interese. ntruct noidm ruilor conducerea n toate problemele romneti l-a ncredinatChurchill pe diplomatul britanic R. Leeper pot s sper la un rspuns

favorabil (A.A. Kalinin, op. cit., p. 20). Speranele premierului britanic nu aufost nelate. n rspunsul su din 22 aprilie 1944, V.M. Molotov pentruprima dat a legat Grecia de Romnia (ibidem, p. 21). n luminainformaiilor lui A.A. Kalinin, se constat c decizia Marii Britanii i a UniuniiSovietice de a ncheia un acord prin care Romnia i Grecia s fie atribuiteURSS i, respectiv, Marii Britanii, este anterioar mesajului iritat al luiMolotov, din 30 aprilie, pe care eu nsumi l considerasem a fi fost unul dincei doi factori generatori ai Acordului de procentaj. Semnalnd aceste noi


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date, sperm s relum ct mai curnd problema ntr-un cadru mult maiamplu de informaie. Am dorit, acum, s aducem n atenia cititorilor notriultimul cuvnt n privina Acordului de procentaj. Informaiile noi pun, nco dat, n lumin rolul odios jucat de Winston Churchill n aservirea rilorest-europene de ctre Uniunea Sovietic. Aa-zisul erou al luptei

antinaziste a fost la fel de farnic i de ca Hitler i Stalin. Este un mit caretrebuie demolat de urgen. Cred c i Marea Britanie n-ar avea dect dectigat din restabilirea adevrului istoric.

5. Conferina de pace de la Paris(1947)

29 iulie 1946Dupa victoria coalitiei antifasciste in cel de-al doilea razboi mondial, peprimul plan al vietii internationale s-a pus problema organizarii postbelice alumii si a pacii. In acest scop a avut loc Conferinta de pace de la Paris, careurma sa pregateasca tratatele de pace cu Italia, Romania, Bulgaria, Ungariasi Finlanda. Cele cinci tratate incheiate constau dintr-o parte introductiva sidin clauze teritoriale, politice, militare, economice, precum si din stipulatiiprivind reparatiile si restituirile.

Inceputa la 29 iulie 1946, Conferinta de pace de la Paris a fost convocata demarile puteri invingatoare in cel de-al doilea razboi mondial (SUA, URSS,Marea Britanie, Franta si China). Delegati din 21 de tari s-au intalnit la Parispentru a decide conditiile de pace pentru cei cinci aliati ai Germaniei, din celde-al doilea razboi mondial. Lucrarile conferintei s-au desfasurat la Palatul Luxembourg. Acesttemplu traditional al bunelor maniere si al respectabilitatii burgheze avea sarasune de ecourile incongruente ale noii diplomatii: dialoguri ale surzilor,presarate cu imputari dintre cele mai injurioase, in sedinta, dupa incercarilede targuiala facute pe culoare, afirma Andr Fontaine. Tratatele de pace cu

Italia, Bulgaria, Romania, Finlanda si Ungaria au fost semnate abia la 10februarie 1947, intr-o atmosfera pompoasa in Salonul Orologiului din QuaidOrsay. Puternicii zilei au fixat prin intermediul unor documente o realitatecare deja incepuse sa scape calculelor sau iluziilor lor. Ideea de a fi voit sa sereglementeze soarta satelitilor Germaniei, inaintea Austriei si a Germanieiinsasi, poate parea stranie. Pe de o parte, era vorba de vointa de a serestabili mai intai conditiile de existenta normale pentru cei care sedegajasera la vreme de influenta hitlerista si isi castigasera cu arma in mana


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iertarea Aliatilor, iar pe de alta parte, se poate vorbi de constiinta dificultatiiunui asemenea angajament. Tocmai de aceea, istoricul Andr Fontainevorbeste despre cinci tratate si nici o pace. Divergentele de opinii dintreAliati in privinta divizarii Germaniei a impiedicat incheierea unui tratat depace cu Germania pana in momentul reunificarii acesteia, in 1990. Au fost

reglementate insa cateva chestiuni privitoare la granitele Germaniei:regiunea sudeta era retrocedata Cehoslovaciei, Anschluss-ul era anulat si ise restituia Austriei independenta, Franta reintra in posesia Alsaciei siLorenei, granita cu Polonia urma linia Oder-Neisse, iar orasul Knigsberg, curegiunea invecinata, erau transferate URSS. In ceea ce priveste Austria, untratat de pace cu acest stat a fost incheiat abia in 1955. Dupa cum sustineaHenry Kissinger, razboiul s-a terminat cu un vid geopolitic. Echilibrul puteriifusese distrus, iar un tratat de pace cuprinzator a ramas imposibil deformulat. Perioada postbelica avea sa se transforme intr-o lupta prelungita sidureroasa pentru realizarea in fapt a reglementarilor care scapasera printredegete conducatorilor inainte ca razboiul sa ia sfarsit.

Reparatii si compensatii bulgare Tratatul de pace cu Bulgaria consemnaincheierea armistitiului de catre aceasta cu aliatii la 28 octombrie 1944 siparticiparea ei de la aceasta data la razboiul impotriva Germaniei. Eraurecunoscute granitele Bulgariei din 1941. Pentru viitor, Bulgaria se obliga saasigure drepturile si libertatile fundamentale, sa elibereze simpatizantiifortelor aliatilor aflati in inchisori, sa dizolve organizatiile fasciste si cele carefaceau o propaganda ostila contra Natiunilor Unite. De asemenea, Bulgariatrebuia sa furnizeze martori pentru procesele criminalilor de razboi la cerereaoricarei tari din cadrul Natiunilor Unite si se obliga sa recunoasca celelaltetratate de pace. In schimb, fortele aliate urmau sa se retraga din Bulgaria in

timp de 90 de zile. Reparatiile si compensatiile urmau sa se faca conformprincipiului compensatiilor partiale, avand in vedere contributia adusa lainfrangerea Germaniei. In timp de opt ani, produsele agricole si industrialetrebuiau sa acopere cele 45 de milioane de dolari datorate Greciei si cele 25de milioane datorate Iugoslaviei. Bulgaria trebuia sa restituie toate bunurilecapturate de la Natiunile Unite.

Disparitia Italiei din randul puterilor coloniale

Tratatul de pace cu Italia mentiona in preambul vina acesteia pentruprovocarea razboiului impotriva statelor aliate si asociate, dar, pentru ca la

13 octombrie 1943 se alaturase Natiunilor Unite, i se acorda calitatea decobeligeranta. Clauzele teritoriale prevedeau revenirea Italiei la frontiereleexistente la 1 ianuarie 1938, cu unele mici modificari in favoarea Frantei.Italia era obligata sa cedeze Iugoslaviei un mic teritoriu si cateva insule,printre care Pelagosa. S-a fixat si frontiera cu teritoriul liber Triest, care a fostpus sub jurisdictia Consiliului de Securitate al Natiunilor Unite. Impreuna cuIugoslavia, Italia trebuia sa colaboreze pentru garantarea securitatii acestuiteritoriu. Clauza privitoare la colonii stipula obligatia Italiei de a renunta la


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toate drepturile si titlurile asupra posesiunilor teritoriale din Africa: Libia,Eritreea, Somalia si de a lichida administratia italiana din aceste teritorii inmaximum un an. Italia mai recunostea suveranitatea si independentaAlbaniei, toate acordurile din perioada de ocupatie fiind anulate,independenta si suveranitatea Ethiopiei, careia se obliga sa-i restituie toate

bunurile ridicate de trupele italiene. Italia a fost obligata sa renunte la ceamai mare parte a peninsulei Istria si o parte din insulele din Marea Adriaticain favoarea Iugoslaviei si la insulele dodecaneze in favoarea Greciei. Italia seobliga sa restabileasca toate drepturile democratice fundamentale, sadizolve si sa interzica toate organizatiile fasciste de pe teritoriul sau, saaresteze si sa judece criminalii de razboi. In privinta reparatiilor de razboi,Italia era obligata sa furnizeze marfuri in valoare de mai multe sute demilioane de dolari catre URSS (100 de milioane), Albania (5), Ethiopia (25),Grecia (105) si Iugoslavia (125).

Anularea Dictatului de la Viena

Tratatul de pace cu Ungaria mentiona ca aceasta tara a rupt legaturile cuGermania la 28 decembrie 1944 si a incheiat armistitiul cu aliatii la 20ianuarie 1945. Frontierele Ungariei cu Austria, Iugoslavia si Romania au foststabilite la cele din 1 ianuarie 1938. Dictatul de la Viena era declarat nul sineavenit. Tratatul mai prevedea restabilirea drepturilor si libertatilordemocratice fundamentale, concomitent cu dizolvarea organizatiilor fasciste,paramilitare etc. In interior, trebuiau judecati criminalii de razboi si pentruacelasi scop Ungaria avea obligatia sa furnizeze martori la cererea oricaruialiat. Starea de razboi dintre Ungaria si Romania inceta odata cu semnareatratatelor, recunoasterea valabilitatii acestora fiind obligatorie. La fel ca in

cazul Bulgariei, fortele aliate urmau sa se retraga in termen de 90 de zile.Reparatiile Ungariei au fost fixate la suma de 300 de milioane de dolari. Intimp de opt ani, ea trebuia sa plateasca URSS o contributie de 200 demilioane de dolari in vase fluviale, masini, grau si alte materii prime.Iugoslavia si Cehoslovacia primeau fiecare o despagubire de 50 de milioanede dolari.

Trupe sovietice in Romania

Guvernul Romaniei a cerut recunoasterea calitatii Romaniei de taracobeligeranta si inlaturarea din proiectul de tratat a clauzelor economice

care afectau situatia tarii. Guvernul roman a propus, de asemenea, caproblemele legate de regimul Dunarii, care urmau a fi luate in dezbatereaconferintei, sa fie solutionate printr-o conventie speciala incheiata intre tarileriverane. Cu toate ca marile puteri au recunoscut contributia militara aRomaniei la infrangerea Germaniei naziste, Romania nu a primit statutul detara cobeligeranta. In problema reparatiilor, despagubirile Romaniei fata deUniunea Sovietica au fost fixate la suma de 300 de milioane de dolariplatibili in decurs de opt ani, in produse petrolifere, cereale, lemn, nave


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maritime si fluviale, utilaj divers si alte marfuri. In urma tratatului, Romania aredobandit Transilvania, dar a cedat Uniunii Sovietice Basarabia si nordulBucovinei. Totodata, a fost confirmata suveranitatea Bulgariei asupra suduluiDobrogei. Partea a patra a tratatului prevedea ca toate fortele aliate vor firetrase din Romania in termen de 90 de zile de la intrarea in vigoare a

tratatului de fata, Uniunea Sovietica si-a rezervat dreptul de a pastra peteritoriul roman fortele armate care i-ar putea fi necesare pentru mentinerealiniilor de comunicatie ale armatei sovietice in zona sovietica de ocupatie dinAustria. Puterile aliate se angajau prin tratatul semnat cu Romania sasprijine intrarea acesteia in Organizatia Natiunilor Unite.

6. nceputul Rzboiului Rece, evoluii strategice ndeceniile 5 i 6.

Atunci cnd un conflict ntre marile puteri se ncheie, ntr-un grad mai

mare ori mai mic printr-un compromis, de regul, el este urmat de o alt

confruntare. Aa s-a ntmplat i la finele celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial,

despre care istoricul italian Calvocoressi spunea c a avut drept cea mai

remarcabil consecin a sa rzboiul rece"1. Iat deci un termen nou aprut

pentru a caracteriza o stare paradoxal a relaiilor internaionale din a doua

jumtate a secolului XX, respectiv cei 45 de ani n care omenirea s-a aflat

ntre o pace ratat i un

rzboi nedeclarat"2, pentru a relua expresia folosit de profesorul IoanCiuperc.

Paternitatea pentru folosirea termenului de rzboi rece, imediat dup

ncheierea conflictului mondial, revine jurnalistului i publicistului american

Walter Lippman (1889- 1974). Absolvent al prestigioasei universiti Harvard,


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autor a 26 de volume, recompensat cu dou premii Pulitzer, Lippman a

apelat la sintagma rzboi rece nc din 1946. Ulterior, la 16 aprilie 1947,

consilierul pe probleme financiare al preedintelui Franklin D. Roosevelt,

Bernard Mannes Baruch, caracteriza starea relaiilor internaionale, cu

prilejul unui discurs rostit la Columbia, statul Carolina de Nord, drept rzboi

rece. Aadar, nu este vorba despre un conflict propriu-zis, clasic, ci, mai

degrab, despre o expresie diplomatic i strategic, dac i- am da dreptate

politologului francez Jean Franois Revel.

Totodat, Thomas Parish n Enciclopedia razboiului rece , definete rzboiulrececa fiind termenul general pentru conflictul politic, ideologic, strategic imilitar de dup

1945 dintre aliaii occidentali condui de Statele Unite pe de o parte, i

Uniunea Sovietic i alte ri comuniste, pe de alt parte.n realitate, ns,

expresia are o istorie lung dei puin cunoscut, datnd din secolul al XIV-

lea, cnd prinul Juan Manuel, regentul Castiliei i Leonului, a aplicat-o luptei

dintre cretinii spanioli i mauri. Prinul voia s spun c, spre deosebire de

rzboaiele fierbini" sau declarate oficial, rzboiul rece" ncepe fr o

declaraie de rzboi i se ncheie fr un tratat de pace3.

Perioada de dup moartea lui Stalin se prezint sub forma unei etape

complicate i sinuoase, care a durat ntre 1953 i 1969. Evenimentele s-au

succedat cu repeziciune, de multe ori n contradicie cu cursul aparent firesc.

Au existat momente de relaxare precum spiritul Genevei"20 sau cel de la

Camp David, generate de negocierile din 1959, dup cum totul a alternat cu

o politic sovietic riscant ori cu una pe marginea prpastiei" a altor mari

puteri.

n aceast perioad, Washingtonul i-a consolidat poziia n Orientul Mijlociu.Congresul va adopta o declaraie potrivit creia Orientul Mijlociu reprezintregiune de interesnaional de importan vital pentru Statele Unite, ceea ce va rmne nistorie dreptdoctr inaEisenhower21.S-a ajuns la incidente majore precum au fost cele din 1956 din Ungaria iEgipt sau


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criza rachetelor cubaneze din 1962.

Criza rachetelor a avut efecte deosebite pentru evoluia raporturilor

dintre Statele Unite i Uniunea Sovietic. Contiente de fora de distrugere

pe care o puteau desfura, for ce putea genera un cataclism nuclear, frnvini i nvingtori, cele dou guverne au decis s deschid o linie

telefonic direct ntre Washington D.C. i Moscova, astfel nct destinderea

s fie asigurat printr-un dialog permanent ntre efii celor dou state.

7. Criza rachetelor din Cuba

Criza proiectilelor cubaneze a fost o confruntare ntre Uniunea Sovietici Statele Unite n legtur cu proiectilele nucleare sovietice din Cuba. Crizaa nceput la 14 octombrie1962 i a durat 38 de zile pn la 20 noiembrie1962. Aceast criz a fost privit ca fiind momentul cnd Rzboiul Rece afost foarte aproape s devin rzboi nuclear i s se transforme n Al TreileaRzboi Mondial.

ntr-un discurs televizat de o extraordinar gravitate, preedintele americanJohn F. Kennedy a anunat c avioanele americane de spionaj au descoperitbaze ruseti de lansare a rachetelorSS-4 Sandal n Cuba. Aceste rachete,purtnd focoase termonucleare, constituiau un pericol iminent deoarece,avnd raz de aciune medie (2000 km), erau capabile s loveasc un numrmare de orae americane foarte importante, precum Washington. Dintr-odat, rachete sovietice puteau atinge teritoriul american, ameninnd sdiscrediteze doctrina nuclear american a represaliilor masive.

Kennedy a anunat c va ordona o "carantin" naval a Cubei, pentru aimpiedica navele sovietice s mai transporte pe insul armament, i aexplicat faptul c SUA nu va mai tolera existena amplasamentelor delansare a rachetelor.
http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rusiahttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/SUAhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cubahttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/14_octombriehttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/1962http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/20_noiembriehttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/1962http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/R%C4%83zboiul_Recehttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Treilea_R%C4%83zboi_Mondialhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Treilea_R%C4%83zboi_Mondialhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/SUAhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_F._Kennedyhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Rachet%C4%83_balistic%C4%83&action=edit&redlink=1http://ro.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=SS-4_Sandal&action=edit&redlink=1http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cubahttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bomb%C4%83_cu_hidrogenhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washingtonhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Represalii_masive&action=edit&redlink=1http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/SUAhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rusiahttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/SUAhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cubahttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/14_octombriehttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/1962http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/20_noiembriehttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/1962http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/R%C4%83zboiul_Recehttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Treilea_R%C4%83zboi_Mondialhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Treilea_R%C4%83zboi_Mondialhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/SUAhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_F._Kennedyhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Rachet%C4%83_balistic%C4%83&action=edit&redlink=1http://ro.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=SS-4_Sandal&action=edit&redlink=1http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cubahttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bomb%C4%83_cu_hidrogenhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washingtonhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Represalii_masive&action=edit&redlink=1http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/SUA


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Preedintele a inut s ntreasc ideea c America nu se va opri dinaciunea sa militar legat de ceea ce el numea: "ameninare clandestin,nesbuit i provocatoare ce amenin pacea mondial".

28 octombrie 1962 - Elicopter american urmrind un submarin sovietic

Pe 14 octombrie1962, personalul tehnic al spionajului american care analizadatele avionului-spion U-2 a descoperit c sovieticii construiau baze delansat proiectile de raz mijlocie n Cuba. n ziua urmtoare, preedinteleKennedy a convocat o ntrunire de urgen cu consilierii si experimentaidin domeniile militar, politic i diplomatic pentru a discuta aceste gesturiamenintoare. Acest grup a devenit cunoscut sub numele de ExCom,prescurtarea de la Comitetul Executiv. Dup respingerea propunerii unuiatac aerian pentru a extermina bazele proiectilelor, ExCom s-a decis pentru ocarantin naval i s-a cerut ca respectivele baze s fie dezmembrate iproiectilele s fie ndeprtate. n noaptea zilei de 22 octombrie, Kennedy aanunat decizia sa pe postul naional de televiziune. n timpul urmatoarelor 6zile, criza a crescut pn la punctul n care era gata s izbucneasc un rzboinuclear ntre cele dou super-puteri.

La 23 octombrie a nceput carantina Cubei, dar Kennedy a decis s dea maimult timp de gndire conductorului sovietic, Nikita Hruciov, n ceea ceprivea aciunile SUA, mpingnd linia limitrof a carantinei napoi cu 500 demile. Pn n ziua de 24 octombrie, vasele sovietice pe ruta spre Cuba,capabile de a transporta ncrcturi militare, au prut a-i ncetini saumodifica cursul, sau chiar s-au ntors de unde au venit, atunci cnd s-auapropiat de linia de carantin (blocada naval), cu unica excepie a unui vas- petrolierul numit Bucureti.

La cererea a peste 40 de ri necombatante, Secretarul-General al ONU,generalul U.Thant a trimis apeluri private lui Kennedy i omologului su rus,Nikita Hruciov, insistnd ca guvernele lor s "se abin de la orice aciunecare ar putea agrava situaia i care ar putea aduce riscul unui rzboi". Laordinul efilor Unii ai Statului-Major, forele militare americane au intrat nDEFCON 2, cel mai nalt grad de alert atins vreodat n epoca postbelic,deoarece comandanii militari se pregteau pentru un rzboi pe toate

planurile cu Uniunea Sovietic.LA 25 octombrie, transportorul aerian USS Essex i distrugtorul USS Gearingau ncercat s intercepteze petrolierul sovietic Bucureti pe cnd acestadin urm trecea peste linia de blocad a Cubei. Nava sovietic nu a cooperat,dar Marina SUA s-a abinut s captureze nava cu fora, considernd puinprobabil ca petrolierul s transporte armament. La 26 octombrie, Kennedy aaflat c lucrrile la bazele de proiectile din Cuba continu fr ntreruperi, iar
http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/SUAhttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/14_octombriehttp://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/1962http://r

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