studia universitatis petru maior. series historia nr. 06 2006

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6 2006

STUDIA UNIVERSITATIS PETRU MAIOR

SERIES HISTORIA

Redacia: 540088, Trgu-Mure, str. Nicolae Iorga, 1, Telefon 0265-

236034

SUMAR CONTENTS SOMMAIRE INHALT

Studii i articoleFbin Istvn, Teritoriile din partea de nord a Dunrii de jos n circuitulpersoanelor dintre Imperiui lumea barbar...............................................7

Adrian Husar, Ideea Europei n perioada Imperiului Roman Trziu i EvulMediu Timpuriu........................................................................................11

Gbor Krmn, Argumentarea bellum iustum n campania din Moldova a luiGyrgy Rkczi al II-lea n anul 1653........................................................23

Georgeta Fodor, Imaginea femeilor romne n scrierile cltorilorstrini......................................................................................................43

Marian Zloag, Mobilitateaiganilor: despre implicaiile politico-ideologiceipractice ale unor concepte.........................................................................55

Ioan Chiorean, Politicacolar a guberniuluii dietei Transilvaniei n epocaluminilor............ ......................................................................................71

Grigore Ploeteanu, Dr. Pavel Vasicii Astra..........................................83

Vasile Dobrescu, Despre formarea elitelor bancare romneti din epoca

modern................................................................................................101

Constantin Ungureanu, nvmntul primar din Bucovina n perioada1848-1918.............................................................................................119

Mirel Bnic, Religia fascist: cazul Legiunii Arhanghelului Mihai............. 147

Maria Costea, Consecinele pactului Ribbentrop-Molotov asupra relaiilorromno-bulgare......................................................................................165

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Bogdan Iacob, Consideraii asupra caracteristicilor istoriei produciei nRomnia n perioada comunist (1963-1974) ..............................................175

Ferenc Lacz, Europa, utopia anului 1989.............................................193Luciana Ghica, Ridicarea (i cderea)a unei Europe Centrale pragmatice:cooperarea regional iniiat dup 1989 ................................................ 209

Flore Pop, Realizarea spaiului economic european. Scurt prezentaregeneral.................................................................................................223

Anca Maria incan, Dezbaterea asupra adevrului, istoria bisericii nmna istoricului laic..............................................................................233

Iuliana Conovici, Ortodoxie i internet sau ortodoxie versus internet?

Contribuiile studiului asupra ortodoxiei virtuale...................... .............243

Recenzii. Note de lectur

Alexandru Florin Platon-Laureniu Rdvan(ed),De la Cetatea lui Dumnezeula edictul din Nantes. Izvoare de istorie medieval.Ed. Polirom, 2005, p. 492(Fbin Istvn) ...................................................................................... 255

Istoria Transilvaniei, vol. II (De La 1541 pn la 1711), Institutul cultural romn.Centru de Studii Transilvane, Cluj-Napoca, 2005. Ediie coordonat de: Ioan-Aurel Pop, Thomas Nagler, Magyari Andras, 448 p

(Georgeta Fodor).. .................................................................................. 256

Constana Ghiulescu, nalvarii cu ilic. Biseric, sexualitate, cstorieidivor n ara Romneasc a secolului al XVIII-lea, Bucureti, EdituraHumanitas, 2004.(Georgeta Fodor) ...........................................................................................259

Vasile Puca, Relaii internaionale/transnaionale, Cluj-Napoca, Ed.Eikon, 2005(Simion Costea).. ................................................................................... 260

Ruxandra Cesereanu Decembrie 89 Deconstrucia unei revoluii, Polirom

Iai 2004, pp. 225.(Eugen Stancu)...................................................................................... 261

Francis Fukuyama, Construcia statelor. Ordinea mondial n secolul XXI,Ed. Antet XX Press, 2004(Georgeta Fodor)...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ....... ...... ...... ...... . 263

Anuarul colii Doctorale Istorie. Civilizaie. Cultur, I/2005, PresaUniversitar Clujean, Cluj-Napoca, 2005, 528 p.(Marian Zloag) ......................................................................... 265

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Anuarul Institutului de Istorie George Bari. Series Historica, Cluj-Napoca,2005, 646 p.(Georgeta Fodor)...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ....... ...... ...... ...... . 267

Erat.....................................................................................................269

Lista autorilor........................................................................................271

Studies and articles

Fbin Istvn, The territories from the northern side of the lower Danube inthe circuit of persons between the Empire and the barbaric world.................. 7

Adrian Husar, The idea of Europe in the later Roman Empire and the EarlyMiddle Ages.............................................................................................11

Gbor Krmn, The reasoning for bellum iustum in Gyrgy Rkczi thesecond in 1653................................................................................................23

Georgeta Fodor, Images of Romanian women with foreign travelers in theXVIthand the XVIIthcenturies Romanian society............ ................................ 43

Marian Zloag, Gypsies spatial mobility: considering the ideological,political and the praxis dimension of some concepts ..................................... 55

Ioan Chiorean, The government school policy in Transylvania in LightAge............ ...................................................................................................... 71

Grigore Ploeteanu, Dr. Pavel Vasici and the ASTRA (The TransylvanianAssociation for Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People)83

Vasile Dobrescu, About the building and the establishment of the Romanianbanking elites................................................................................................ 101

Constantin Ungureanu, Elementary education in Bucovina in 1848-1918period ............................................................................................................119

Mirel Bnic, Fascist religion: the case of the Legion of the ArchangelMichael ..........................................................................................................147

Maria Costea, The Consequences of Ribbentrop - Molotov Pact on Romanian-Bulgarian Relations ......................................................................................165

Bogdan Iacob, Some considerations upon the characteristics of historyproduction in Romania under communism (1963-1974) .............................. 175

Ferenc Lacz, Europe, the utopia of 1989.................................................... 193

Luciana Ghica, The rise (and fall) of a pragmatic Central Europe: regionalcooperation initiatives after 1989............................................................ 209

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Flore Pop, La ralisation de lespace economique europen. Breve presentationgenerale.........................................................................................................223

Anca Maria incan, Debating the truth, history of the church in the hand ofthe lay historian?...................... ...................................................................233

Iuliana Conovici, Orthodoxie et internet ou orthodoxie versus internet?Contributions a l'etude de l' orthodoxie virtuelle........................................ 243

Reviews

Alexandru Florin Platon-Laureniu Rdvan(ed), From Gods castle toNantes law. Middle age history sources.Ed. Polirom, 2005, p. 492(Fbin Istvn) ...................................................................................... 255

Transilvania history, vol. II ( From 1541 until 1711), Romanian cultureinstitute.Transilvanian studies centre, Cluj-Napoca, 2005. Edition coordinatedby:Ioan-Aurel Pop, Thomas Nagler, Magyari Andras, 448 p(Georgeta Fodor).. .................................................................................. 256

Constana Ghiulescu, Wearing pants and islic. Church, sexuality, marriageand divorce in 18th century Romanian Country, Bucharest, EdituraHumanitas, 2004.(Georgeta Fodor) ...........................................................................................259

Vasile Puca, International/transnational relations, Cluj-Napoca, Ed.

Eikon, 2005(Simion Costea).. ................................................................................... 260

Ruxandra Cesereanu December89 Bulding/Debuilding of a revolution,Polirom Iai 2004, pp. 225.(Eugen Stancu)...................................................................................... 261

Francis Fukuyama, Village bulding.Worlds order in 21st century, Ed. AntetXX Press, 2004(Georgeta Fodor)...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ....... ...... ...... ...... . 263

Doctors school anual paper History. Civilisation. Culture, I/2005,

University press, Cluj-Napoca, 2005, 528 p.(Marian Zloag) ......................................................................... 265

George Bari History institute anual paper. Series Historica, Cluj-Napoca,2005, 646 p.(Georgeta Fodor)...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ....... ...... ...... . 267

Explanation list......................................................................................269

Authors list............................................................................................271

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THE TERRITORIES FROM THE NORTHEN SIDE OF THELOWER DANUBE IN THE CIRCUIT OF PERSONS

BETWEEN THE EMPIRE AND THE BARBARIC WORLD

Fbin Istvn*

Abstract

The aim of this short paper is to emphasise role of the north-

danubian territories as a constant and important contact zone betweentwo civilisations based on literary soursesand to underline the fact thatthe embassies, the military activity, presence of prisoners and thepresence of missionaries, undelines one main thing: the north/danubianterriories were one of the most important melting pots of the period.

Once with the Aurelian retreat, the former Romanprovince of Dacia, did not went out from the orbit of the Roman

world. The Roman and later the Byzantine Empire will continueto mantain an important influence, with immediate consecvencesand with a profound historical significance for this part ofEurope. The interest of the Roman world toward former Daciawas more or less constant between the 4th and the 7thcenturies. The presence of the bridegheads, the conquestsduring the reigns Constantine the Great and Iustinian, and thediplomatic missions to the barbarian warlords are the witnessesof these aspects. An aspect which is less noticeable from the

archeological point of view but which is a constant phenomenonis the permanent circulation of the persons between the Empireand the barbaric world and vice versa.

One of the first coordinates of this flow of persons are theRoman and Byzantine embassies to the courts of the barbaricleaders. These diplomatic contacts had several goals: to obtainthe good faith of these leaders, the foundation of future economicrelationships and subtitle missions of espionage. The evaluationof the military, economic and diplomatic capacities of a possible

enemy or ally had a vital importance for the Empire in taking* Asistent drd., Universitatea Petru Maior, Tg. Mure

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military or diplomatic steps against or toward a barbaricpopulation. Unfortunatelly very few texts are preserved,

concerning these matter. One of the most complete is Excerptade legationibus written by Priscus Panites the ambasador ofemperor Theodosius II at the court of the hun king Atilla. Beyondthe description of the journey the Roman legate made anaccurate description of the moods, moral codes (sometimesstrange for a Roman), religious beliefs and culture of thismigratory population.

In such context, Priscus is telling us about the presence ofRoman prisoners at the hunic court, prisoners taken by the

Huns after their raids at south of the Danube. These prisonerswere noted on some lists, for a subsecvent payment from theEmpire, in order to release them. Each prisoner was paid varyingwith their importance. These ransome taxes extended between 8-12 gold coins up to 500 gold coins. Interestinglly not all theprisoners are released or used for diplomatic purposes(hostages). Some of them remained at their own will at the courtof the barbaric king like that Rusticus, a secretary at Atillascancelary or that Greek merchant who, was taken prisoner atViminacium, and later he integrated himself in the hunic world.More than that he distinguished himself in battle at in the endhe decided to establish himself at the court of Atilla because thestrangers who remain at the Schytes folowing the war, spendtheir life in peace, each of them enjoying what he has and neverbothers somebody else2.

These conversation is followed by an idealistic andcomparative description of the life in Barbaricum and in theEmpire, obviously in the favor of the first, the moralising aspectbeing more than clear. That is why some historpographs are in

doubt concernig the veridicity of these encounters, consideringthese descriptions an influence from Tacitus on the writtings ofPanites.

Beyond these descriptions, veridic or not, the realpresence of these prisoners is a fact, a presence that was morethen neccesarry because they were tho only ones who couldcover the agricultural needs of a migratory population whowasnt used with such occupation.

2 Panites in Fontes HistoriaeDaco-Romanae II,p.267

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Later, this traffic of prisoners will be maintained in thepresence of the Gepidae and of the Avars and Slaves. The first

population (theoreticlly allies of the Byzantine EmperorIustinian) helped the Huns and Slaves in crossing the Danube intheir raids against the Empire. Procopius of Cessarea is tellingus about the fact that the Huns were paying a gold coin to theGepidae for each soldier carried across the Danube. Of course,this raids, along the rich spoils, assured a permanent flow ofRoman prisoners taken by the barbarians.

To this great number of prisoners we have to take intoaccount a considerable number of refugees and runaways from

the Empire. Procopius in several occasions emphasises the greatnumber of persons who crossed the Danube in the Barbaricum,wilingly or not. The prisoners were bought back or released bythe barbaric allies of the Romans (like Baian) or, released by theRomans itself (a good example is this sense are denorth/Danubian expeditions of the Roman general Priscus). Therefuge in the barbaric world of some categories of craftsmen orother persons of humble condition before the abuses andoverhealmig taxes of the Imperial administration is an anotherimportant aspect of the circulation of persons across theDanube. 3 The same Procopius, informes us that workers andcraftsmen were constrained to endure hunger, that is why theyabandoned their Roman citisenship and fled to the Barbarians4

Concerning these aspects, the work of Pseudo-Mauricius, The art of war, offers a few extra details: speakingabout the barbaric raids, the author emphasises the greatnumber of prisoners taken by the invaders, prisoners whoafter a certain period of time were released but, who wanted toremain with the barbarians could stay with them without any

constraints. Concerning this matter, Mauricius is speakingabout those refugees who althought they are Romans, theymust be treated with wariness because they love more ourenemies than us 5

Finally one last category of people who were implied in thecirculation of persons in this area are the missionaries, whose

3 Chiriac, C., Unele observaii asupra informaiilor literar istorice bizantinereferitoare la regiunea Dunrii de jos n secolele V-X, n Arheologia Moldovei XX,

1997. p.1194 Procopius after FHDR II,p.3835 Mauricus after FHDR II, p.

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activities are described in the religious texts, but these text mustbe treated with a specific criticism due to their propangandistic

shade.A specific example in this sense is Paulus Orosius with

his Historiarum adversos paganos. Speaking about the anti-christian persecutions of the Germanic king Athanaric (369-372)the autor spoke about the disparition of the ethnic frontiers, andproposed a new identity based on the concepts of Romanity andChristianity (Romanitas et Christianitas). Most of them (of thebarbarians persecuted by Athanaric) who run away because oftheir love for Christ, fled to Roman soil went without any fear as

they were going to enemies, but with confidence as they weregoing to brothers (quorum tamen plurimi in Romanum solumnon trepidi, uelut ad hostes, sed creti, quia ad frates, pro Christiconfessione fugerunt)6

The Greek historian Philostogios (368-425) is the one whobrings o wave of obiectivity between these enthusiastic historicsprings. Talking about the spreding of Christianity, the historianemphasises the crucial role played by the Roman prisoners,among them clerics. Living together with the barbarians, theyconverted many of them to the real faith and concvinced themthe embrace Christianity instead on paganism.7

In conclusion: as these literary sourses emphasise thenorth-danubian territories were a constant and importantcontact zone between two civilisations. The embassies, thecommerical activities and the presence of missionaries,undelines one main thing: the north/danubian terriories wereone of the most important melting pots of the period, with acrucial role in defining the Early Medieval Age in this area.

6 Orosius, Histoire contre les paiens, II, Livre VII, 43,5trad Arnaud-Lindet, Paris1991.These diferentiation appear also at St. Vasile the Great, who, in TheMartiry of St. Sava the Goth was talking about the christian broterhood whichcrosses over etnic markings. This ideea is present at Auxentius of Durostorum

in his work The life, beleif and death of Wulfila, where the author makes thedifference between Roman and Barbaric land in the sense of religous terms.7 Philostorgios,Church historyII 5 Payot, Paris, 1921

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THE IDEA OF EUROPE IN THE LATER ROMAN EMPIREAND THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES

Adrian Husar*

Abstract

The relevance of culture has recently enjoyed increasingrecognition for the study of European integration and a Europeanidentity. Conceptualizing a continent, this paper explores some Europesin their history. The author puts the causal impact of ideas, and theirbinding effects through institutions, at the center of his study.

The definition of Europe in the Later Roman Empire and the EarlyMiddle Ages is ambiguous. In many ways it was coterminous with Latin

Christendom. But Latin Christian Europe was dynamic, polymorphous,and constantly expanding and thus not fit neatly for long into any onepolitical mould. Further, westerners knew of the existence to the east ofanother form of Christian order. Latin Christendom had moreover crucialcontacts with other areas, themselves affected by, or affecting, westernEuropean civilization.

A sense of a shared Roman imperial past and a commonChristian religion did not create an integrated Europe in any political orecclesiastical sense, but the forces straddling, if not binding together,this politico-cultural magnetic field were strong.

* Profesor dr., Universitatea Petru Maior Tg. Mure

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One may assume that the term Europe()1 was coinedin the area of Thrace on his way to Greece, Xerxes the Great had

his army travel form Asia Minor through Europe2 and from therewas extended to denote central Greece and finally the entire Greekmainland. The first known use of the term Europein a geographicalsense is recorded in the last part of the 6th century BC anddesignates the Greek continent as opposed Peloponnese and to thearchipelago (thus it appears in Hymn to the Apollo the Pythian3 andin the Periegesis of Hecateus of Miletus4). For Herodotus ofHalicarnassus attention had to be focused upon the universe of theGreek trading world, especially upon the so-called prior Europe (

emprosthe Eurp

)5

or upon the world of Greece, Macedonia andThracia between the Adriatic Sea and the Black Sea, on the onehand, and the euroasian steppes6 peopled by the Scythians withtheir climatic and cultural peculiarities on the other hand.Throughseafarers7, people learned about western Mediterranean Sea and theexistence of countries surrounded by the ocean, and about landsadjacent to Greece.

The name of Europe was extended to these areas and wasused to denote the third part of the then-known world,

1For general review: Jrgen Fischer, Oriens-Occidens-Europa. Begriff und Gedanke

Europa in der spten Antike und im frhen Mittelalter, Mainz, 1957 (repr. Wiesbaden1975); V. Curcio, Europa. Storia di unidea, I, Firenze, 1958; F. Chabod, Storia dellEuropa(a cura di E. Sestan e A. Saita), Bari, 1961; Santo Mazzarino, Il nome e lideadi Europa, in idem, Antico, tardoantico ed ra constantiniana, II, Bari, 1980, p. 412-445; Marta Sordi (ed.), LEuropa nel mondo antico, Milano, 1986; Filippo Casola, Ilnome e il concetto di Europa, in A. Giardina (ed.), Covegno per Santo Mazzarino,LErma, Roma, 1998; Anthony Pagden, Lee H. Hamilton (eds.), The Idea of Europe:From Antiquity to the European Union, Cambridge UP, 2000, p. 33-71.2 Herodotus VII, 8 (ed. Carolus Hude, Oxford, 1960). Cf. Egbert J. Bakker, Brills

Companion to Herodotus, Leiden, 2002, p. 551-578 (The Persian invasions).3Ad Apollo, v. 250-251 and 290-291, apudFilippo Cassola (ed.), Inni Omerici,Milano, 1975, p. 128-131.4 C. Milani, Note etimologiche su, in Marta Sordi (ed.), LEuropa nelmondo antico, Milano, 1986, p. 3-11.5 Fabio Mora, Letnografia europea di Erodoto, in M. Sordi (ed.), LEuropa, p. 57-67.6 Bruno Gallotta, Dario e lOccidente, Modena, 1980, p. 9-54 (La Scizia);Franois Hartog, The Mirror of Herodotus: The Representation of the Other in theWriting of History, Berkeley, 1988.7 Giuliana Daniela Massaro, Itinerari e viagi maritimi in Magna Grecia, in G. Camassa,Silvana Fasce (eds.), Idea e realt del viaggio. Il viagio nel mondo antico, Genova,

1991, p. 143-189;Robert D. Ballard, Mystery of the ancient seafarers. Early maritimecivilizations, National Geographic Society, 2004; Duane W. Roller, Through the Pillarsof Herakles, Routledge, 2005, p. 1-22 (Greek exploration before 500 BC).

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distinguishing it from Asia and Africa. In principle, this divisioninto three can be found throughout ancient geography8.

Nevertheless, next to the spatial conception there alsoappeared starting precisely with Herodotus9 the political-moralidea of a much more limited Europe, an idea that knew ceaselesstransformation and translation in keeping with the mutationssuffered by the political, economic and ideological framework10.

More detailed geographical information was given by theRomans, who since Julius Caesar (De Bello Gallico)11 had beenexploring parts of Continent, though many ideas about theconditions and the situation of the European hinterland

remained rather fabulous, much of this can be found in theworks of Pliny the Elder12. Only Strabo of Amasia in hisGeographicagives a more realistic description13.

In the universal Roman empire14 (imperium sine fine15), theample geographical concept of Europe inspired by Herodotusmodel tended to coincide with political reality. To Romanconsciousness, the world orbis terrarum, had become orbisRomanus16. The Roman Empire encircles the Mediterranean Sea17Mare Nostra, as they called it and beyond that lay its frontiers.

8 F. Cordano, La geografia degli antici, Roma-Bari, 1982, p. 167-181; C.Dognini, La concezione del mondo nelle civilt antiche, LErma, Roma, 2003.9 Rosalind Thomas, Herodotus in Context: Ethnography, Science and the Art ofPersuasion, Cambridge UP, 2002, p. 75-101 (Dividing the world: Europe, Asia,Greeks and barbarians); Paul Cartledge, The Greeks: A Portrait of Self and Others2,Cambridge UP, 2002, p. 36-50 (Others in Images and Images of Others).10 Fergus Millar, Looking East from the Classical World: Colonialism, Culture andTrade from the Alexander the Great to Shapur I, in International History Review20, 1998, p. 507 sqq.11 Frank Ezra Adcock, Caesar as Man of Letters, Harper Collins Publishers, NY,

2003; Andrew M. Riggsby, Caesar in Gaul and Rome, University of North TexasPress, Denton, 2006, p. 47-72 (The other and the other other).12 Pliny, HistoriaNaturalis3, 5.13 Daniela Dueck, Strabo of Amasia: A Greek Man of Letters in Augustan Rome,Taylor & Francis, London, 2000.14 Joseph Vogt, Zur Terminologie der rmischen Imperialismus, Tbingen, 1929; C.Nicolet, Linventaire du monde: gographie et politique aux origins de lempireromain, Paris, 1988. Craige B. Champion (ed.), Roman Imperialism: Readings andSources, Blackwell Publishers, 2003.15Velleius 2,103: spem conceptam perpetuae securitatis aeternitatisque Romani imperii.16 Ronald Syme, Rome and the Nations, in DiogenesCXXIV, 1983, p. 33-46.

17 Alan Bowman, Martin Goodman, Simon Price, Hannah Cotton (eds.),Representations of Empire: Rome and the Mediterranean World, London, 2003; C.R.Whittaker, Rome and its Frontiers. The Dynamics of Empire, Routledge, 2004.

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These, in time, stretched from the Atlantic Ocean, across Europe tothe Black Sea, through the deserts and oases of the Middle East

to the Red Sea, and thence across North Africa, skirting the edgeof Sahara Desert, to the Atlantic Coast of Morocco.

The Roman perspective was that they had subjected the entireorbis terrarum to the rule of Roman people as far as they hadknowledge about it orconsidered it worth conquering18. Thisphilosophy did not encompass the idea of boundaries at all except theidea that barbarians should stay outside the Roman concept of thecivilized word19. The belief that imperium/basileiaheld the entire orbisRomanus/oikoumenwithin its borders, or even that there existed no

restrictions at all to Roman authority, went far back in Romanliterature20 and was particularly cherished by Christian Romans21.When these writers reflect on the essential meaning of

imperium, they present a consistent theme of a state composed ofa plurality of peoples, nations and gentes. In the 3rd century AD,Origen wrote that God had prepared the nations for Christ byputting them under one ruler, the Roman basileus, andAugustus fused many people of the earth into one basileia22.Tertullian reffered to the Roman empire as a conflation ofregna23. Augustine also stressed the plurality of nations in theEmpire24. The early 5th-century panegyrist Rutilius Namatianusdescribed the Roman Empire as one patriamade from diversaegentes25. His fellow panegyrist Claudian stressed the plurality ofpeoples and languages under the emperor26.

This conception of imperiumas a large state consisting of aplurality of peoples is not a product of the Middle Ages or even ofthe later Roman period. It can be seen in the 1st century AD, in

18 Lorenzo Braccesi (ed.), Alessandro e la Germania. Riflessioni sulla geografia

romana di conquista, LErma, Roma, 1997; G. Cresci Marrone, EcumeneAugustea. Una politica per il consenso, LErma, Roma, 2000.19 J.L. Ferrary, L oikoumene, LOrient et lOccident dAlexandre le Grand Auguste: histoire et historiographie, in A. Giardina (ed.), Convegno per SantoMazzarino(Roma, 9-11 maggio 1991), LErma, Roma, 1998.20 P. Hardie, Virgils Aeneid: Cosmos and Imperium, Oxford, 1986.21 At the foundation of the Christian imperium, Eusebius of Caesareea(Tricennalia Oratio 16, 6) claimed it was the destiny of the Roman empire toembrace all those not yet united [with it] up the limits of the inhabited world.22 Origen, Contra Celsum2, 30.23 Tertullian, Apologeticum25, 17.

24 Augustine, De Civitate Dei4,4; 4,9; 5,12; 18,22.25 Rutilius Namatianus, De reditu suo1, 63.26 Claudian, De IV Cons. Hon., 355; De Cons. Stil. 3, 159.

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Sallusts Jugurthine War27, and it is equally present in the writingsof Tacitus a century later28. Thus, from Sallust and Tacitus to

Jordanes and Paul the Deacon, the essence of an imperiumand itsimperatoris the ruler over more than one people, land, or kingdom.

The period between the 3rd and 5th centuries AD presents uswith an essential turning point29. Certain conceptions regardingEurope starting from the oldest Greek matrix changed theirinterpretation, reflecting the relations among the Romans and theother peoples (gentes, nationes, ethne)30. Distinctions betweenRomans and non-Romans31 were altered by Caracallas grant ofcitizenship to all inhabitants of the Empire (Constitutio Antoniniana,

AD 212)32

: the barbarian invasions of the 3rd

century onwardsbrought further changes, as did the settlement of the barbariansand the creation of the sub-Roman kingdoms33.

The literature and science of late antiquity had to bringthese changing contexts into accord with the Christianworldview34. Christians added a further wrinkle to Romanuniversalism. The Roman empire embraced the world because itcarried Christianity to heathens. Roman imperialism was set in anew context that redefined civilization so that all Christians,

27 Sallust, Bell. Iug. 18,12; 31,20; 79,2.28 Tacitus, Historiae4, 58; Annales2,2; 2,61.29Richard Miles, Constructing Identities in Late Antiquity, Routledge, London, 1999, p.2-16.30 Walter Pohl (ed.), Kingdoms of the Empire: The Integration of Barbarians inLate Antiquity, Brill, Leiden, 1997, p. 1-13; Patrick J. Geary, Barbarians andEthnicity, in G.W. Bowersock, P. Brown, O. Grabar (eds.), Interpreting LateAntiquity, Harvard UP, 2001, p. 107-129; Herwig Wolfram, The Roman Empireand Its Germanic Peoples, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2005, p. 102-122 (Emperorship and Kingship on Roman Soil).31 Simon Swain, Mark Edwards (eds.), Approaching Late Antiquity: The

Transformation from the Early to Late Empire, Oxford UP, 2004, p. 109-132(Roman Law AD 200-400: From Cosmopolis to Rechtstaat ?).32 Giuseppe Zecchini, La Constitutio antoniniana e luniversalismo politico di Roma,in Luciana Aigner Foresti et alii (eds.), Lecumensimo politico nella coscienzadellOccidente[Alle radici della casa comune Europea, II], LErma, Roma, 1998.33 Wolf Liebeschuetz, Citizen status and law in the Roman Empire and theVisigothic kingdom, in Walter Pohl, Helmut Reimitz (eds.), Strategies ofdistinction: The Construction of Ethnic Communities, 300-800, Brill, Leiden,1998, p. 131-152; Richard Miles (ed.), Constructing Identities in Late Antiquity,Taylor & Francis, 1999, p. 234-258 (The barbarian in Late Antiquity: image,reality, and transformation).

34 Anthony H. Merrills, History and Geography in Late Antiquity, Cambridge UP,2005; Jacques Le Goff, The Middle Ages and the Birth of Europe, BlackwellPublishers, 2005, p. 14-28 (The conception of Europe: 4th to 8thcenturies).

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Germans and Persians as well as Romans, shared the sameChristian oikoumen35. The Later Roman empire assumed the

mantle of the guardian of the churches of Christ36.Europe was seen as a part of the orbis terrarum, which is

surrounded by the ocean. We may assume that the contrast to Asiawas clearly felt and moreover that the terms orientand occidentdidnot facilitate an aequalis divisionsince there were three continents.The political affiliation of the province of Africa to the RomanEmpire may have been important to37. This became even moreobvious when in 394 AD, after the division of the Roman Empire38,North Africa went to the Latin world of the west39.

The borders of Europe as they were assumed by Herodotusremained unchanged. It was bordered in west by the ocean, in thesouth by the Mediterranean Sea from the Pillars of Hercules (Straitof Gibraltar) to the Hellespont (Dardanelles) and from there onthrough Pontus (the Black Sea) to the Maeotis (the Sea of Azov).There the easter border began running along the River Phasis (Rion)to the north. The Phasis was replaced soon by the River Tanais(Don), which rises in the so-called riphaei montes. Orosius drew aline from the northern coast to the mouth of the Rhine in GalliaBelgica. Yet he accepts the organization of space made by the paganancients, and offers their versions of the world divided into threeparts (Asia, Europe and Africa). The Mediterranean is at the heart ofmatters, its towns, and adjoining provinces being described in somedetail; beyond live the nations (gentes), fifty-four of them in Europewhich stretches from the Don in the east to the northern part of theocean and thus includes a sizeable portion of the barbaricum40.

The conception of Europe in late antiquity is summarizedby Procopius of Caesarea41. He reports two contemporary

35 Garth Fowden, Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism inLate Antiquity, Princeton UP, 1993.36 Christopher Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire, Harvard UP, 2004.37 Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum17, 3; Paulinus of Nola, Carm. 3, 1, 3.38 John Moorhead, The Roman Empire Divided: The Post Roman World, 400-700,Longman, 2001, p. 6-34.39 Claudian, De bello Gildonico 5, 4; idem, Panegyricus de sexto consulateHonorii5, 103-106.40 Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos1, 52-54 (ed. M.-P. Arnaud-Lindet, I,Paris, 1990, p. 24-25).

41 Anthony Kaldellis, Procopius of Caesarea. Tyranny, History and Philosophy atthe End of Antiquity, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004, p. 17-61(Classicism and its Discontents).

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opinions that differ mainly in their view of the eastern border,Phasis or Tanais42. Procopius saw Constantinople as the most

important city and the center of the European continent, whichwas to be clearly distinguished from Asia within the empire 43.Procopius conception of Europe contains three different ideas.First, Europe included those masses of mainland that stretchfrom the Hellespont to the ocean in the west; second, he refers tothe European part of Justinians empire, which was seen as anisland between the Adriatic Sea and the Danube; third, Europealso denoted a province in Thracia44.

The definition of Europe between 400 and 800 is

ambiguous45

. In many ways it was coterminous with LatinChristendom. But Latin Christendom was dynamic,polymorphous, and constantly expanding and thus not fit neatlyfor long into any one political mould. Further, westerners knewof the existence to the east of another, well-establish, form ofChristian order. Latin Christendom had moreover crucialcontacts with other areas (Scandinavia, the Celtic areas ofwestern Britain and Ireland, the Slavic regions of the Balkans,the Islamic North Africa, and Byzantium), themselves affectedby, or affecting, western European civilization46.

In the 5th century AD the world could still be conceived of asrevolving around two cities, Rome and Constantinople, althoughthe empires centre of gravity lay in its eastern provinces, while thenorth-western parts were left to fend for themselves47.

From the beginning of the 5th century AD the term respublica Hesperiae plagae, or simplyHesperia, had been used todenote the western part (partes Occidentales) of the imperium

42 Procopius, De aedificiis4, 1; 4, 8-9.43Idem, Anecdota23.44 Cf. Cassiodorus, Hist. eccl. 9, 2, 1. The old clich of a Thracian/Balcanic Europe willbe reflected in the epoch of the Tetrarchy through the foundation of the newprovinciaEuropamentioned in Laterculus Veronensis, dated between AD 297 312/314.45 John Moorhead, The West and the Roman past from Theoderic toCharlemagne, in B. Croke, A. Emmett (eds.), History and Historians in LateAntiquity, Sydney, 1983, p. 155-168.46 Franco Cardini, Europe and Islam, Blackwell Publishers, 2001; Robin Winks,Teofilo Ruiz, Medieval Europe and the World: From Late Antiquity to Modernity,400-1500, Oxford UP, 2005, p. 9-36 (The end of the ancient world).

47 Averil Cameron, The Mediterranean World in Late Antiquity, AD 395-600,Routledge, London, 1993, p. 12-32; Fergus Millar, A Greek Roman Empire.Power and Belief Theodosius II, University of California Press, 2006, p. 84-129.

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Romanum, competing with the name Europe. But Hesperias realmeaning became more and more blurred. In the course of the

time it meant merely Italy (the Gothic regnum Italiae as thesuccessor to the Hesperium regnum)48 or, for pseudo-etymological reasons, Spain49.

The historians of the late antiquity50 differed somewhat onthe regions they included in Europe. While Orosius includes inthe empire the area from the River Tanais through Alania, Dacia,Gothia and Germania51, Jordanes mentions the Gepidae as theeasternmost people52. Procopius starts in the west with Spainand only mentions provinces of the empire, whereas he tells

fabulous stories about peoples who live in the Caucasus.None of the authors, however, tells us whether the landsof barbaric peoples are considered parts of Europe in the originalmeaning. Jordanes regarded the Orcades (Orkneys) and mythicalisland ultima Thule, which had been known from Virgils works,as parts of Europa. But apparently Jordanes regarded and, whatis more, Scandza/Scandia (Scandinavia) which had beenmentioned by Pliny the Elder to be outside of Europe53. Isidoreof Seville (cca. 570-636), however differentiates54 between theheartland of the imperiumthat stretches to Greece; Barbaricum,between Scythia inferior and Germania and Germania, which hecalls prima Europa: and a buffer-zone to the Mediterranean Sea(Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia, Moesia). The learned Anglo-SaxonBede the Venerable ( 735) calls Germania, Gallia, and Hispania but not Italia the maximaeEuropae partes55.

Basically all those ideas go back to the opinion of SaintAugustine ( 430), who like most Christians considers the

48 Cassiodorus, Hist. eccl. 7, 7, 6. Cf. Arnaldo Momigliano, Studies in Historiography,

London, 1966, p. 181-210 (Cassiodorus and Italian Culture of His Time).49 Isidorus, Etymologiae14, 14, 19. Cf. Stephen A. Barney, Oliver Berghof (eds.), TheEtymologies of Isidore of Sevile, Cambridge UP, 2005, p. 285-300 (Book XIV: The earthand its parts).50 Giuseppe Zecchini, Ricerche di storiografia latina tardoantica, LErma, Roma,1993; Gabriele Marasco (ed.), Greek and Roman Historiography in LateAntiquity: 4th to 6th Century AD, Brill, Leiden, 2003; David Rohrbacher, TheHistorians of Late Antiquity, Taylor & Francis, 2005, p. 150-162.51 Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos1, 2, 52-53 (ed. Arnaud-Lindet, I, Paris,1990, p. 24-25).52 Jordanes, Getica5, 32-34.

53 Jordanes, Getica1, 8-9; Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum1, 1.54 Isidorus, Etymologiae14, 4, 2-8.55 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum1.

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imperium Romanum to be representative of the world56.Therefore, the cultureless and little known parts excluded, it

may justly be called Europe. Assuming a new settlement of theworld after the Flood, Europe is generally attributed to Japhet,Noahs third son57. Japhets descendants are the peoples whoinhabit Europe. A genealogy of peoples based on these ideas isgiven by the so-called Nennius58.

Late Antiquity saw the gradual decline of classicalMediterranean society59 and the initial formation of a strictlywestern European, Christian society60. In AD 476 the EasternRoman empire survived the collapse of its western counterpart61.

A fully Roman state survived in the eastern Mediterranean formore than a century and half after the deposition of RomulusAugustulus. During the same period there were many living inwestern Europe and North Africa who continued to think ofthemselves, and were thought of by others, as Romans (Romani).And the royal heirs of the western empire honored the Byzantineemperor as their lord and father in the same way that theyaccepted the primacy of the model of Byzantium unquestioninglyfor many centuries. The Justinians reconquest had reclaimedItaly and North Africa for the imperium, making possible theassertion of Roman political and religious universalism.

The breakup of the Western Roman empire as anoverarching, supra-regional political structure saw a disintegrationof the frontiers that had divided the Roman world from the Germanic,Asiatic, Persian, Islamic and African worlds surrounding it62.

Increasing Christianization and the inclusion of new peoplesand areas made it necessary to formulate a new concept of

56 Augustine, De civitate DeiIII, 31.57 Isidorus, Historia Gothorum, dedication; idem, Etymologiae9, 37.58 Nennius, Hist. Britanniae, prologue (ed. John Morris, London, 1980).59 Peter Brown, The World of Late Antiquity: AD 150-750, London, 1971, p. 19;Aldo Schiavone, The End of the Past. Ancient Rome and the Modern West,Harvard UP [Revealing Antiquity13], Cambridge Ma. London, 2002.60 P. Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, AD 200-10002, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 2002.61 Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire. A New History of Rome and the

Barbarians, Oxford UP, 2006, p. 431-459.62 Walter Pohl, Ian Wood, Helmut Reimitz (eds.), Transformation of Frontiers:From Late Antiquity to the Carolingians, Brill, Leiden, 2001.

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Europe63. The term Europadefined the Christian west better thandid the vocabulary of empire, being applicable to peoples beyond

the rule of ancient Rome. The geographical and moral preeminenceof a predominantly occidental Europe was to resurface in the laterhalf of the 6th century AD both in Venantius Fortunatus64 and in thePope Gregory the Great (AD 590-604) who in AD 595 wrote toemperor Maurikios to complain about the fate of a Europe invadedby barbarians65. In the letters of the Irish monk Columbanus (615)66 to Popes Gregory the Great and Boniface IV, Europe appearsas the continent, which is oriented toward Rome, the head ofChristianity.

A new Christian self-consciousness that concentrated onEurope began to replace the old Roman imperial viewpoint, St.Martin of Tours ( 397) being its symbol67, and was fencing itselfoff not only from Asia and Africa but also from Greece.

In the 7th century Europe as a political term began to beinterpreted in connection with the Frankish kingdom (regnumFrancorum). According to a sophisticated construction, the Franksbegan to consider themselves of Trojan origin68 and therefore asequal to the Romans69, but at the same time they dissociatedthemselves from the Mediterranean area as the premise for politicalpower. On the other hand, the biblical and classical models couldserve to establish new systems of perception and to legitimise the

63 Julia M. Smith, Europe after Rome: A New Cultural History, 500-1000, OxfordUP, 2005, p. 253 sqq (Rome amd the peoples of Europe).64 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Maurici, in Th. Mommsen (ed.), MonumentaGermaniae Historica [Auctores Antiquissimi] IV, 2, p. 93, 99. Cf. Judith W. George,Venantius Fortunatus: A Latin Poet in Merovingian Gaul, Oxford UP, 1992, p. 47 sq.65 Gregorius Magnus, Epistulae5, 37. Cf. Robert A. Markus, Gregory the Great

and His World, Cambridge UP, 1997, p. 83-96 (Christiana respublica: within theconfines of the Empire).66 Columbanus, Epistulae 1, 1; 5,1 in Th. Mommsen (ed.), Monumenta GermaniaeHistorica, III, p. 156, 170. Cf. G.S.M. Walker, Santi Columbani opera, Oxford, 1957, p.XXXV-XXXVIII; M. Lapidge (ed.), Columbanus: Studies on the Latin Writings,Woodbridge, 1993.67 Sulpicius Severus, Dialogi2, 17, 7. Cf. Raymond Van Dam, Images of SaintMartin in Late Roman and Early Merovingian Gaul, in Viator19, 1988, p. 1-27.68Liber Historiae Francorum1, in Bruno Krusch (ed.), Monumenta GermaniaeHistorica[Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum] II, Hannover, 1888 (repr. 1984), p.215. Cf. J. Barlow, Gregory of Tours and the Myth of the Trojan Origins of the

Franks, in Frhmittelalterliche Studien29, 1995, p. 86-95.69 Fredegar, Chronicon2, 5; 3,2, in B. Krusch (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica[Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum], II, Hannover, 1888 (repr. 1984), p. 37, 62.

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existence of the new ethnic kingdoms70. The best case for religionhaving an extended impact on a kingdoms self-image may be

found in the identification of the Franks with the Chosen People ofGod in the time of Charlemagne71. Regnum Francorum gainedsupremacy in a new Christian Europe72, which was ready toexpand. The characterization of Charlemagne as Europaevenerandus apextestifies to this development73.

In each of these areas we are dealing with the furtherconsequences of post-Roman development, but by the 9thcentury we are no longer in a post-Roman world. Now, whenpeople wished to account for their history, culture and

institutions, these they traced not to the Roman world, but tothemselves74. For Bede in England, history effectively began withthe coming of the Anglo-Saxons to the island of Britain, andconcerned itself with the conversion to Christianity of thoseincomers, thus focusing on the 7th century. In Italy Paul theDeacon wrote the history of the Lombard people (i.e. the Italo-Lombard monarchy75) knowing very little of their early history ororigins. In Francia, the new dynasty of the Carolingians whichwould the balance of power in continental Europe, extendingFrankish power to the Baltic in the north and to the Adriatic inthe south embarked upon the unique exercise of justifyingtheir assumption of power by denigrating their predecessors, the

70 Alan Bowman, Greg Wolf (eds.), Literacy and Power in the Ancient World,Cambridge UP, 2005, p. 177-198 (Literacy and power in the migration period);Saita Biagio, La civiltas di Teodorico. Rigore amministrativa, toleranza religiosae recupero dell antico nellItalia ostrogota, LErma, Roma, 1999; Rosamond

McKitterick, History and Memory in the Carolingian World, Cambridge UP,2004, p. 120-132 (Politics and history).71 Ian Wood, Conclusion: Strategies of distinction, in W. Pohl, H. Reimitz (eds.),Strategies of distinction: The Construction of Ethnic Communities, 300-800, Brill,Leiden, 1998,p. 301-302.72 Henry Chadwich, East and West: The Making of a Rift in the Church, Oxford UP,2003, p. 77-82 (The Papacy and the Franks), 83-94 (Aachen as Third Rome).73 Jacques Le Goff, The Middle Ages and the Birth of Europe, BlackwellPublishers, 2005, p. 29-39 (An aborted Europe: the Carolingian world).74 Walter Goffart, The Narrators of Barbarian History (AD 550 to 800). Jordanes,Gregory of Tours, Bede and Paul the Deacon, Princeton UP, 1988.

75 Dick Harrison, Political rhetoric and political ideology in Lombard Italy, in W.Pohl, H. Reimitz (eds.), Strategies of distinction: The Construction of EthnicCommunities, 300-800, Brill, Leiden, 1998, p. 241-254.

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consequently much maligned Merovingians76. When the poet ofthe Paderborn epic in 799 referred to Charlemagne as the pater

Europae, he gave an ancient classical name to a new Christianterritory, embodied in the rule and realm of the Frankish ruler.Charlemagnes feats evoked ancient Rome and Byzantium, buthis power-base, culture and vision were distinctive.

So in all three areas a sense of continuity with the Romanpast was broken. It is a mark of the distance now felt betweenthe present and the past that the Carolingians began to speak ofa renewal (renovatio) of society. They were very impressed byRoman culture, going to great lengths to imitate it, but they

thought of themselves as different from, and actually rathersuperior, to the Romans. When Charlemagne was famouslycrowned Roman emperor in the year 800, the Franks were clearthat his empire was something new and different: it was aFrankish and Christian empire77.

Only the success of Charlemagne king of the Franks andthe Longobards and patricius Romanorum recognized by theemperor and the pope made possible the reestablishment of thewestern Roman empire as an imperiumthat now took its place asequal to (though not of the same rank as) the basileia of theRomaioi. Thus the imperial coronation on Christmas Day in theyear 800 established via the Frankish kingdom of theMerovingians and Carolingians , the link between the imperiumRomanum and its Germanic peoples78 and the high medievalHoly Roman Empire of the Germans79.

[Translated by Dr. Iustin Sfriac]

76 Janet L. Nelson, The Frankish World, 750-900, London, 1996, p. 169-182(Rewriting the History of the Franks); Rosamond McKitterick, op. cit., p. 133-155(Kingship and the writing of history).77 Janet L. Nelson, op. cit., p. 89-98 (Translating Images of Authority: TheChristian Roman Emperors in the Carolingian World); Alessandro Barbero,Charlemagne: Father of a Continent, University of California Press, Berkeley,2004, p. 102-115 (Charlemagne and Europe).78 Herwig Wolfram, The Roman Empire and Its Germanic Peoples, University ofCalifornia Press, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, 2005, p. 313-314 (The transfer of

the Empire).79 Werner Goez, Translatio imperii, Tbingen, 1958; Lorenzo Braccesi, Romabimillenaria. Pietro e Cesare, LErma, Roma, 1999.

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ARGUMENTAREA BELLUM IUSTUMN CAMPANIA DINMOLDOVA A LUI GYRGY RKCZI AL II-LEA N ANUL 1653*

Gbor Krmn*

Abstract

The article analyses the documents legitimising Gyrgy RkcziII's war against Moldavia in 1653. The sources - manifestos, war

proclamations, treatises etc. - used by Western scholars in order toreconstruct the bellum iustum discourses of early modern monarchs, aremissing in the case of the Prince of Transylvania. Therefore, chronicles,

princely letters to his own mother and the King of Poland respectively,are taken into account. Also, the preface of the Transylvanian laws fromthe year 1654 offer an example for argumentative strategies in order tosupport the campaign. In all cases, the Prince used the argumentation ofthe preventive war: in his account, had he not invaded the Moldavianvoievod, the voievod would have attacked him. This way of legitimation

is very much in line with contemporary developments in the Western partof Europe: the idea of the pre-emptive war was gradually recognised aslegitimate during the seventeenth century. This idea found resonancewith the ideas of Johann Heinrich Bisterfeld, a German professor inRkczi's court, also a supporter the idea of pre-emptive war.Transylvanian foreign policy, finding new ways after the Thirty YearsWar, sought its legitimation with this way of argumentation.

Campania lui Gyrgy (Gheorghe) Rkczi al II-lea dinMoldova n anul 1653 este un episod binecunoscut din istoriamodern timpurie a regiunii. Conflictul, care n decursul actorva luni s-a transformat dintr-un rzboi purtat ntre statelevasale Imperiului Otoman ntr-o lupt ce a implicat toate forelepolitice ale Europei Centrale i Estice, ocup un loc important nistoriografia ce vizeaz Ardealul sau cele dou Principateromne.

*

Drd. Central European University, Budapest

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O serie de probleme au mai rmas ns deschise, printreacestea i cauza direct care a contribuit la declanarea

conflictului, cu alte cuvinte ceea ce reprezint casus belli.Studiul de fa abordeaz tocmai acest aspect: nu ia n discuiecomponentele structurale de lung durat care au contextualizatconflictul, ci felul n care Gyrgy Rkczi al II-leaa argumentatnecesitatea unui rzboi nc nainte de a-l declana. Motivaiile,dincolo de ideologia politic a epocii, sunt comparabile i cu alteexemple ale vremii, n acest context campania din 1653 nMoldova ilustrnd felul cum s-au reflectat concepiile filosoficede atunci n practica politic a secolului al XVII-lea din Ardeal.

Konrad Repgen, cel care a atras pentru prima oar ateniaasupra necesitii cercetrilor legate de legitimitatea rzboaielor, aconsiderat c izvoarele referitoare la acest domeniu au o largivartiat rspndire. Conform opiniei sale, orice document destinatpublicului i care descrie motivele rzboaielor poate fi consideratca un manifest1. n legtur cu conflictul din 1653 din Moldova,n afara cronicilor, nu avem la dispoziie vreun document care ardezvlui publicului larg al epocii, de ce trebuia Gyrgy Rkczi alII-lea s declaneze rzboiul.Astfel, vor trebui analizate mai ntiinformaiile din aceste izvoare narative. Cronicarii ofereau diferiteexplicaii asupra evenimentelor, pe care le nregistrau imediatdup ce acestea se petreceau, relatnd care au fost motivelerzboiului care l-au ndeprtat pe unul dintre cei mai longevividomnitori ai Moldovei din veacul al XVII-lea. Cancelarul JnosBethlen, care nu-l simpatiza pe Rkczi i n ale crui cronicicampania aceasta nu ocup prea mult loc, fiind prezent doar subforma unor informaii secundare, nici nu ncearc vreointerpretare. Afirm doar faptul c ntre Rkczi i Vasile Lupu s-a nscut o controvers din motive netiute, iar acest lucru adegenerat mai trziu ntr-un conflict armat2.

Miron Costin, cronicarul moldovean, este ceva mai concret,ns destul de unilateral atunci cnd prezint circumstanelerzboiului. Conform versiunii sale, motivul conflictului ar fi fostambiiile logoftului Gheorghe tefan de a prelua puterea, fiindsusinut de Rkczi - care se afla n proaste relaii cu Vasile Lupu- i de voievodul rii Romneti, Matei Basarab. Dei mai multe

1Konrad Repgen, Kriegslegitimationen in Alteuropa: Entwurf einer historischen

Typologie, Historische Zeitschrift242. (1985) p. 2749.2 Jnos Bethlen, Erdly trtnete 16291673 [Istoria Ardealului 16291673],trad. Judit P. Vsrhelyi, ed. Jzsef Jankovics (Budapesta: Balassi, 1993) p. 25.

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documente atest faptul c liderii din Ardeal l consideraser peGheorghe tefan i mai devreme drept un politician de la curtea

Moldovei ce putea fi folosit ca omul lor de ncredere, ndeplinindastfel rolul de posibil succesor al lui Vasile Lupu, ceea ce leconvenea, totui susinerea ambiiilor lui, evident, nu putea fi unmotiv suficient pentru justificarea rzboiului3.

Legitimitatea despre care vorbete Jnos Szalrdi se aflmult mai aproape de normele internaionale ale epocii. Conformafirmaiilor sale, Vasile Lupu cuta mai demult glceav,declana noi i noi conflicte ntre Moldova i Ardeal. GyrgyRkczi I a suportat oarecum aceast situaie, ns fiul su nu

mai avea aceeai rbdare cretineasc. Cronicarul vorbetedespre atacul domnitorului moldovean mpotriva rii Romnetica despre motivul direct al rzboiului n care Vasile Lupu a fostnvins, astfel, armata sa a slbit, iar acest lucru a fost o ocazieexcelent pentru Gyrgy Rkczi II s-l nvee minte pe vecinulinfidel. Totodat, deoarece atacul mpotriva rii Romneti s-apetrecut pe nedrept, cu acest eveniment Vasile Lupu a legitimatamestecul principelui din Ardeal4. Szalrdi ns greete n modevident afirmnd c domnul Moldovei, aliat cu cazacii, a atacatara Romneasc doar dup ce otile din Ardeal i valahe l-au

3 Miron Costin: Letopietul ri Moldovei de la Aron vod ncoace. In: Opere, ed.P. P. Panaitescu (Bucureti: Editura de Stat pentru Literaturi Art, 1958) p.135136. Jnos Kemny deja n anul 1649 i scrie principelui s-i fac un cadoului Gheorghe tefan, venit n solie la el, deoarece el i pn acum a fost cudreptate ctre Domnia Voastr i este nevoie de un om fidel pe lng VasileLupu. Vezi: epistola lui Jnos Kemny ctre Ghorghe Rkczi II (Sibiu, 18 pr.1649) MOL E 190 24. d. nr. 5370. Istoriografia romn pune de asemenea accentpe rolul conspirativ al lui Gheorghe tefan, vezi C. Cihodaru, Rscoala din anul1653 din Moldova, Analeletiinifice ale Universitii Al. I. Cuza din Iai (Serienou) Sectiunea III. a. Istorie, 14 (1968) p. 104105.; Constantin erban, VasileLupu, Domn al Moldovei (16341653). Bucureti: Editura Academiei Romne,1991. p. 196197. La fel consider primordiale motivaiile interne ale rzboiuluidin Moldova i Katalin Pter, dup prerea creia Gyrgy Rkczi II n fapt aintervenit doar n rzboiul intern din Moldova, aflat deja n desfurare,sprijinindu-l pe favoritul su pentru a susine stabilitatea din regiune. Vezi: Afejedelemsg virgkora [Perioada de nflorire a principatelor], in: Erdly trtneteII. 1606-tl 1830-ig[Istoria Ardealului vol. II de la 1606 pn la 1830], ed. Lszl

Makkai i Zoltn Szsz, 3. ed. (Budapesta: Akadmiai, 1988) p. 712.4Szalrdi Jnos siralmas magyar krnikja[Cronica maghiar de jale a lui JnosSzalrdi], s. a. r. Ferenc Szakly (Budapesta: Magyar Helikon, 1980) p. 323324.

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izgonit din ara sa, primind o nsemnat susinere militar dinpartea ginerelui su, Tyimos Hmelnyickij5.

Campania din ara Romneasc este evideniat i depreotul reformat din Ceauu de Cmpie, Jnos Bed, care acntat n versuri rzboiul cu Moldova: Grbit ctre DomnulMatei/Spre ara sa se-ndrepta/Apoi spre biata noastr arvenea,/Dar n ruinea-i se-nneca6. Textul versului nu nedezvluie ns dac Bed, asemenea lui Szalrdi, generalizeazlegitimitatea unei faze trzii a rzboiului sau n timp ce trece nrevist pcatele lui Vasile Lupu reamintete conflictul dintredomnitorul Moldovei i Matei Basarab din 1639.

Cu problema cauzelor rzboiului pornit de Gyrgy RkcziII, dintre cronicarii secolului al XVII-lea, cel mei temeinic se ocupnotarul din Sighioara, Georg Kraus. Esena istorioarei lui, destulde alambicate, este c Vasile Lupu a complotat cu mpratulFerdinand III, cu comandantul Ferenc Wesselnyi din Ungaria deNord, precum i cu paa de la Buda, iar acest lucru a ajuns laurechile lui Rkczi, n parte i datorit nencrederii i trdrilorreciproce ale complotitilor. Abia dup ndelungate acuzaiireciproce s-a hotrt principele s nceap campania mportivadomnitorului Moldovei7. Din versiunea lui Kraus reiese deasemenea c Vasile Lupu dorea ocuparea rii Romneti i,conform planurilor sale, el ar fi devenit principele Transilvaniei,

5 Istoria evenimentelor n detaliu vezi: Cihodaru, Rscoala op. cit. p. 103109.;erban, Vasile Lupu, op. cit. p. 194221.; Sndor Gebei, II. Rkczi Gyrgy erdlyi

fejedelem klpolitikja (16481657) [Politica extern a principelui din Ardeal,Gyrgy Rkczi II (16481657)],(Eger: EKTFLceum, 1996) p. 6165.6 Jnos Bed din Krspatak, Lupuj vajdrl val nek, in: Rgi magyar kltktra XVII. szzad, 9. A kt Rkczi Gyrgy kornak kltszete (16301660)[Cntare despre domnitorul Vasile Lupu, In: Colecia vechilor poei maghiari dinsec. al XVII-lea, 9, Poezia epocii celor doi Gyrgy Rkczi (16301660)], ed. ImreVarga (Budapesta: Akadmiai, 1977) p. 8794. Loc. cit. p. 89.7 Georg Kraus,Cronic Translivaniei 16081665, trad., ed. G. Duzinchevici iE. Reus-Mirza (Bucureti: Editura Academiei Republicii Populare Romne,1965) p. 152153. Autor al monografiilor istorice i filosofice al principelui,Jnos Ksa, preia neschimbat argumentarea lui Kraus: II. Rkczi Gyrgy[Gyrgy Rkczi II], (Budapesta: Franklin, 1942) p. 8586. Sndor Gebei folosind alte izvoare consider c n spatele conflictului stau n primul rndntr-adevr ambiiile lui Vasile Lupu: II. Rkczi Gyrgy[Gyrgy Rkczi II ...],op. cit. p. 6061. Gllner Carl, care i ndreapt atenia mai mult spre sistemulde reaii diverse i fr ndoial existente ale lui Vasile Lupu cu care domnul

Moldovei a periclitat situaia Ardealului i nu spre eventualele lui conspiraii,i formulez mult mai precaut prerea n explicaiile sale: Gheorghe Rkczi II[Gheorghe Rkczi II], (Bucureti: Militar, 1977) p. 4344.

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fratele su ar fi domnit n ara Romneasc, iar Moldova ar fi fostdestinat ginerelui su, Tyimos Hmelnyickij, ns din cronic se

nelege clar c rzboiul n-a nceput cu atacul acestuia.Precum am vzut, cronicarii ofer de o serie de versiuni

diferite n ceea ce privete justificarea rzboiului. Nu este nsdestul de clar pe ce fel de izvoare se bazeaz afirmaiile lor, caredintre variante este mai aproape de informaia destinatpublicitii de Gyrgy Rkczi II i care dintre cronicari ncearco explicaie privind justificarea nceperii rzboiului conform unorinformaii din alte surse. Mai mult dect att, chiar i croniciledoar n mic parte mai corespund unor criterii de baz ale

izvoarelor folosite de Konrad Repgen, deoarece, n cea mai mareparte, au rmas sub form de manuscris, iar dintre cele citatemai sus, doar lucrarea destul de general a lui KrspatakiJnos Bed a fost publicat.

Integrnd ns, n msura posibilului, printre izvoare icorespondenele particulare, se lrgete cercul acestora,dezvluindu-ne o situaie norocoas: existena a doudocumente semnate de ctre principe, care atest legitimitatearzboiului8. Una dinte scrisori este adresat mamei principelui,Zsuzsanna Lorntffy, i a fost scris de nsui Gyrgy Rkczi II.Destinatarul celeilalte este regele Poloniei, Ioan Cazimir9. Ceadin urm este prea puin probabil redactat de principe, nicimcar originalul n maghiar a frazelor latineti alambicate nueste sigur c a fost scris de el. anse egale pentru a fi autoriiacestei scrisori sunt att Jnos Kemny, considerat cel maiapropiat sftuitor al principelui, ct i Johann HeinrichBisterfeld, profesorul Academiei de la Alba Iulia, care consilia de

8 La analiza unei imagologii a turcilor din Ungaria n secolul al XVII-lea pentrua suplini lipsa unor tratate i buletine informative referitoare n general la surse a procedat la fel i gnes R. Vrkonyi, vezi: Bcs s emlkezet (A visszavonultrk kpe a magyar kzvlemnyben) [Desprire i amintiri (Imaginea turcilorn retragere n contiina public maghiar)], in Loc. cit.: Europica varietas Hungarica varietas, (Budapesta: Akadmiai, 1994) p. 158182.9 Epistola lui Gyrgy Rkczi II ctre Zsuzsanna Lorntffy (Alba Iulia, 25 febr.1653) MOL E 204 Missiles 37. d. mai vezi: articolul meu n curs de editare:Bellum istum-rvelsek II. Rkczi Gyrgy hboriban; Epistola lui GyrgyRkczi II ctre regele Poloniei, Ioan Cazimir (Alba Iulia, 25 mart. 1653) In:Sndor Szilgyi ed., Levelek s okiratok II. Rkczi Gyrgy fejedelem

diplomacziai sszekttetsei trtnethez, Trtnelmi Tr(1889) [Corespondeni documente la istoria legturilor diplomatice ale principelui Gyrgy Rkczi II,Colecie de documente istorice(1889)], p. 459460.

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asemenea n mod regulat pe principe. n orice caz, scrisoareaavea acceptul principelui, ns pentru exactitate menionm c,

n continuare, atunci cnd vorbim de justificri emise deRkczi, ntotdeauna ne referim la cele formulte de grupul deoameni politici care conducea Aredalul.

Cele dou izvoare difer nu doar n ceea ce privetepersoanele care le-au redactat, ci i n privina detalieriimotivaiilor, iar pe alocuri chiar i n accentuarea argumentelornirate. Epistola trimis Zsuzsannei Lorntffy prezint mult maiamnunit raionamentele aduse n favoarea campaniei mpotrivalui Vasile Lupu, - iar acest lucru este extrem de favorabil din

punctul de vedere al analizei noastre , chiar dac nu se ocup deprincipii practice. Nu doar criteriile militare crora cronicaSzalrdi le acord o att de mare importan sunt trecute aici cuvederea, dar nici situaia politic nu este analizat. Nu se puneproblema: care va fi reacia statelor vecine, printre care i Poarta,dac Rkczi se va decide pentru atac. n aceast scrisoare nuapare nici vreo informaie despre un eventual ajutor din Moldova,aadar nici despre persoana lui Gheorghe tefan. Astfel, textulargumenteaz doar strict teoretic nceperea rzboiului, fr spun pe tapet vreo problem practic, i rspunde la ntrebarea:de ce principele are dreptul de-a porni un atac armat, fr a sepreocupa de posibilitile pe care le are pentru acest lucru. Izvorulatest c Rkczi a cerut deja prerea consiliului princiar naceast problem, cu toate c legea nu-l obliga la aa ceva, nsn anumite situaii principele credea c este mai bine s mpartresponsabilitatea deciziei cu consilierii care doar rareoripolemizau10. Dar nainte de-a porni lupta, a cerut i prereamamei, care deinea n cea mai mare parte conducereaposesiunilor familiare, avnd astfel i o serioas influen politic.

Rkczi se justific spunnd ct de mult ru a fcut dejatatlui su vecintatea cu Vasile Lupu. Nu intr n detalii, dar

10 Ildik Horn, Az erdlyi fejedelmi tancs 16481657-ben, in Perlekedvszzadok: Emlkknyv Fr Lajos trtnsz 60. szletsnapjra, [ConsiliulPrincial din Ardeal n 16481657, In: Secole n conflict: Volum omagial pentrucea de-a 60-a aniversare a istoricului Lajos Fr], ed. I. Horn (Budapesta: ELTEKzpkori s Kora jkori Magyar Trtnelmi Tanszk, 1993) p. 240276. Dinpcate nu sunt cunoscute voturile consilierilor. Pentru pregtirea rzboiului dinMoldova, Rkczi a cerut prerea consilierilor, la fel ca pentru aliana cu suedezii

din anul 1656. Vezi: Zsolt Trcsnyi, Erdlyi kzponti kormnyzata 15401690[Gubernmntul central al Ardealului 1540-1690],(Budapesta: Akadmiai, 1980)p. 6164., Gebei, II. Rkczi Gyrgy [Gyrgy Rkczi II], op. cit. p. 171.

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face referiri la faptul c prin aceasta nelege incursiuneadomnitorului Moldovei din 1639 n ara Romneasc, care a fost

respins de Matei Basarab cu ajutor din Ardeal, al lui GyrgyRkczi I11. La fel, dedic doar o jumtate de propoziie pentru aaminti c Vasile Lupu a glumit cu el i n ceea ce priveteproblema fratelui su mai mic. Gyrgy Rkczi I a plnuit n1648 c o ia pe Ruxandra, fiica cea mic a lui Vasile Lupu, casoie pentru fiul lui mai mic, Zsigmond Rkczi. Astfel, iasigura bune legturi cu vecinul su de la rsrit i pe deasupraajungea i n relaii de rudenie cu cellalt ginere al lui VasileLupu, prinul lituanian Janusz Radziwi, pe al crui ajutor se

baza mult n alegerea regelui Poloniei. ns, odat cu stingerealui Gyrgy Rkczi I s-au ntrerupt tratativele, iar Jnos Kemnya trebuit s se ntoarc fr nici un rezultat de la Iai12. IarVasile Lupu afirm Rkczi nu doar o singur dat sedovedise a fi nestatornic, ci ntotdeauna cnd fcea vreonelegere cu tatl su, imediat ce aceasta trebuia respectat,rspundea c a fost beat, ori era smintit atunci.

n epistola lui Rkczi ns, pe lng nemulumirile maivechi, au aprut i altele. El afirm c Vasile Lupu tot timpul lacuz pe la diversele curi, astfel, la regele Poloniei, la cazaci, cti la Poart, adic n toate centrele de putere din EuropaRsritean, care au importan pentru politica extern dinArdeal. i imput lui Vasile Lupu - care de altfel ducea o politicextern cu adevrat extinsi ambiioas - i faptul c acesta atrimis un sol la Ferdinand III, mpratul romano-german,deoarece principele Rkczi considera i acest gest ca pe uncomplot fr tgad mpotriva Ardealului. Chiar n acest timp,mpratul habsburg a ridicat din nou problema intrrii iezuilorn Ardeal, ceea ce a fcut extrem de dificile relaiile sale cu

11 Ferenc Grg, A kt Rkczy Gyrgy fnhatsgi joga a kt olh vajdasgfltt [Dreptul de guvernare a celor doi Gyrgy Rkczi asupra celor douvoievodate vlahe], (Budapest: Franklin, 1904) p. 641. Nicolae Stoicescu, MateiBasarab(Bucureti: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romnia, 1988) p.160165; erban, Vasile Lupu, op. cit. p. 135137.12Kemny Jnosnletrsa, in: Kemny Jnos s Bethlen Mikls mvei[Viaalui Jnos Kemny, In: Operele lui Jnos Kemny i Mikls Bethlen], ed. vaV.Windisch (Budapesta: Szpirodalmi, 1980) p. 297302.; Vezi: Sndor Szilgyi,

Fels-vadszi Rkczy Zsigmond [Zsigmond Rkczi din Fels-vadsz],(Budapesta: Magyar Trtnelmi Trsulat, 1886) p. 9192., 100; F. Grg: A ktRkczy Gyrgy [Cei doi Gyrgy Rkczi ...],op. cit., p. 4041.

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Transilvania13. Nu este de mirare aadar c Rkczi mai adugi urmtorul aspect: dac ntre el i mprat ar izbucni un

rzboi, ar trebui sin cont i de un atac din partea Moldovei.Cu toate acestea, principele nu se poate lega de nimic

concret. Doar una din presupusele pregtiri de rzboi ale luiVasile Lupu este menionat n epistol, ns nu tim censeamn mai exact expresia de practic de Pozsony folosit deel, probabil complicata serie de comploturi prezentat n detaliude Kraus. n afar de aceasta, Rkczi nu poate aduce dect unsingur argument concret pentru faptul c Vasile Lupu prezintcu adevrat un pericol iminent pentru ara sa: domnitorul

Moldovei ocup graniele. Conflictul prezentat succint deSzalrdi, aadar destul de alambicat, n ceea ce privete anumitepmnturi controversate din jurul Bistriei, nu este n modunivoc greeala lui Vasile Lupu14, astfel, motivarea pe care o dfolosindu-se de acest lucru i se pare i principelui problematic.Se justific totui, afirmnd c pmnturile erau in commissio,adic Vasile Lupu avea un oarecare drept asupra lor, totui trageconcluzia c domnitorul nu a procedat legal. ns Rkczincearc s se foloseasc ct mai bine de acest lucru concret,amintindu-i mamei sale c atunci cnd a jurat credin caprincipe a fgduit i aprarea granielor rii, aa nct nupoate fi ngduitor n ceea ce privete problemele teritoriale.

n scrisoarea menionat, principele rezum n mai multernduri esenialul: inem un arpe [Vasile Lupu] la snul nostru,care se afl n vecini. Dup ce descrie lung i n detalii pcateledin trecutul ndeprtat i cel apropiat ale domnitorului moldoveansvrite mpotriva Ardealului i a familiei Rkczi, punentrebarea: este oare mai bine s ateptm pn ne taie gtul,ori s profitm de ocazie pentru a scpa de el, deoarece nu estede dorit s suferim i s aducem pericol rii, atunci cnd aceastadepinde doar de un pretext? Concluzia final a principelui este

13 Vezi: Antal Molnr: Az udvarhelyi jezsuita Missio Siculica kezdetei az 1650-esvekben, (Inceputurile Misiunii Iezuite Secuiesti in Odorheiul Secuiesc in anii1650), in Magyar Egyhztrtneti Vzlatok, 6. (1994) nr. 34. p. 8283. Referirelaprima parte a epistolei citate.14 Szalrdi se refer la conflict ntr-o formulare foarte general. Dup prerea

sa n timp ce Vasile Lupu a tot amnat rezolvarea disputelor legate de problemede grani, s-a folosit de veniturile de pe aceste teritorii. Vezi: Szalrdi,Siralmas krnikja[Cronica maghiar de jale ...], op. cit. p. 323.

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ct se poate de clar: n cazul n care nu se pornete rzboiulmpotriva lui Vasile Lupu, se risc sigurana Ardealului.

Epistola trimis regelui Poloniei a fost redactat la o lundup cea scris pentru Zsuzsanna Lorntffy, atunci cnd armataprincipelui pornise deja spre Moldova. Aa cum reiese i din text,a fost scris cu intenia de a-l informa pe Ioan Cazimir despreinteniile lui Gyrgy Rkczi II, pentru ca acesta, fiinddeziinformat de vetile proaste, nu cumva s considere acestaciune ca una ndreptat contra statului su. Textul latin,deosebit de elocvent, caractistic corespondenei diplomatice aepocii, folosete practic aceeai argumentaie ca i n epistola

vduvei principelui Rkczi I, ns nu dezvluie dect i maipuine detalii despre coninutul lui casus belli.Ca i n cazul precedentei scrisori, i aceast ncepe cu

prezentarea unor nemulumiri din trecut, insistnd mai alesasupra nestatorniciei vecinului su Vasile Lupu, nc de lanceput. Menioneaz c nu demult, trecnd de la complotultinut la violena deschis, l-a atacat cu armata pe domnul riiRomneti. Contrar lui Szalrdi ns, aici principele renvie defapt un eveniment destul de vechi: se refer la conflictul din1639, deoarece l menioneaz pe Gyrgy Rkczi I campciuitor. Este de neles c Rkczi II a folosit aceastrelatare doar pentru c n argumentarea lui era nevoie de unexemplu concret i univoc, iar acesta nu a fost gsit dect nconflictul petrecut cu 15 ani n urm.

n fara de acest caz concret, Rkczi formuleazgeneraliti, din care rezult c domnitorul Moldovei reprezintun pericol pentru ara sa, menionnd c dumnia tinuitpoate deveni oricnd un atac pe fa. Astfel, principele sehotrete pentru a-l face s dispar din apropiere sau mcar s-l potoleasc pe vecinul perfid, dac altfel nu se poate, atunci cuputerea armelor15. Dei argumentarea este laconic, conformcelor spuse de Gyrgy Rkczi II, esena rmne aceeai: dac elnu va face primul pas, atunci Vasile Lupu va ataca. Campaniadin Moldova n anul 1653 este considerat de ambele izvoare caun rzboi preventiv.

Mai este cunoscut nc o surs, care provine dinanturajul principelui i care se ocup de justificarea legitimitii

15 Vicinum tam novicum cum alias non licuerit armis a vicinitate removere, velsaltem compescere epistola citat a lui Gyrgy Rkczi II, p. 460.

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atacului mpotriva lui Vasile Lupu: preambulul legilor adoptatede Adunarea Strilor din 1654. Cele legate de Adunarea anual a

strilor din Ardeal s-au standardizat abia n secolul al XVII-lea.n aceste prefee, strile i mulumeau lui Dumnezeu pentruactivitatea din ultimul an a principelui i pentru adunarea lor,apoi cereau n continuare o domnie ncununat de succespentru crmuitorul lor. Mult vreme, aceste prefeele nu au fostconsiderate ca izvoare deosebit de valoroase din punctul devedere al legitimrii rzboiului. n timpul lui Gbor Bethlen,textele n cazul n care sunt amintite nu relateaz desprerzboaiele purtate de principe, ci aduc doar mulumiri pentru

pacea ncheiat. n anul 1620, de pild, i mulumesc principeluidoar pentru faptul c acesta pni n timpul rzboiului a gsittimp pentru rezolvarea problemelor interne ale Ardealului i antrunit strile, iar n 1622 se registreaz doar c s-a ncheiatpacea, amintind, ce-i adevrat, i faptul c principele Bethlen i-a ndeplinit menirea ca tanquam fidelis Dei Administer adtutandam nostram salutem (un slujitor fidel al lui Dumnezeu,dat pentru binele nostru)16. Prefeele, chiar i pe vremea luiGyrgy Rkczi I, contribuiau prea puin la problema legitimitiirzboaielor. Participarea la conflictul din 1639, citat de maimulte ori pn acum, nici mcar nu a fost amintit de codul delegi din anul urmtor, iar n 1644 s-a ivit i situaia absurd cdin prefaa legilor de la ntrunirea strilor, care din cauzarzboiului purtat de principe a avut loc n ianuarie, reiesedorina acestora: ca Dumnezeu s-i ajute familiei Rkczi de-apetrece i acest an cu noroc, sntatei npacebun17.

Dup antecedente lacunare, aadar Gyrgy Rkczi II afost primul sub domnia cruia n preambulul legilor aparmulumiri pentru rzboaiele din anii care au trecut. Se

16 Prefaa legilor emise de Diet la Alba Iulia 5-20 apr. 1620: Erdlyiorszggylsi emlkek trtneti bevezetsekkel VII [Memorii de la Dieta dinTransilvania cu introduceri istorice VII] ed. Sndor Szilgyi (Budapesta: MagyarTudomnyos Akadmia, 1881) p. 539540. Prefaa legilor de la Dieta din Clujde la 123 mai 1622: Erdlyi orszggylsi emlkek trtneti bevezetsekkel VIII[Memorii de la Dieta din Transilvania cu introduceri istorice VIII], ed. SndorSzilgyi (Budapesta: Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia, 1882) p. 92.17 Prefaa de la Dieta de la Alba Iulia din 3-13 ian. 1644: Erdlyi orszggylsiemlkek trtneti bevezetsekkel X [Memorii de la Dieta din Transilvania cu

introduceri istorice X], ed. Sndor Szilgyi (Budapesta: Magyar TudomnyosAkadmia, 1884) p. 412. Prefaa legilor de la Dieta de la Alba Iulia din 1640vezi n acelai volum, p. 277.

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presupune c acest lucru nu s-a ntmplat la iniiativa strilor ic formularea textelor de lege s-ar putea atribui unui om politic

din anturajul principelui, probabil Jnos Kemny, conductorulcomisiei de redactare a coleciei de legi din Ardeal, ApprobataeInstructiones, care avea experien n elaborarea textelor juridice.Gyrgy Rkczi II a gsit aadar din nou soluia de-a mpriresponsabilitatea deciziilor personale. Pe lng faptul c cerea nprealabil prerea consilierilor si personali, campaniile luimilitare erau i ulterior validate de ctre strile ntrunite. nsacest lucru nu se realiza fr argumentarea convingtoare dinpreambulul ntrunirilor, care atesta justeea campaniei, mai

mult dect att, dovedea c aceasta s-a purtat nu doar ninteresul principelui, ci chiar al ntregii ri.Sarcina respectiv era prin excelen ndeplinit de textul

introductiv al Approbatelor din 1654. n aceast prefa, strileaduc mulumiri pentru grija lui Gyrgy Rkczi II, aprtor alprincpiatului mpotriva inteniilor rele manifestate de ruvoitoriice locuiesc n jurul nostru. Se trece n revist faptul c nu doarvoevodul Vasile Lupu, deja narmat pentru rzboi, a fost oprit, cii aliaii lui, cazacii, ntorcndu-se nu cu puine pagubeomeneti. n laudaia care urmeaz, se folosete din plinmetafora focului: Rkczi n-a ateptat nteirea foculuimpotriva noastr, ci s-a sftuit dinainte cum s-ar putea stingescnteia ce plpia18. Aadar, acest preambul se poate adugafr ndoial la la argumentele aduse de cele dou epistole ale luiRkczi II, menionate mai sus: principele a dus n rzboi ara,deoarece Ardealul trebuia s fac fa unei ameninri reale dinpartea lui Vasile Lupu, care s-ar fi putut transforma oricndntr-un atac armat. n caz c principele n-ar fi atacat el, mairepede sau mai trziu ar fi fost atacat de domnitorul Moldovei,astfel nct rzboiul preventiv nu s-a putut evita.

Problema rzboiului preventiv a generat dispute serioasentre gnditorii care s-au ocupat, ncepnd cu evul mediu, deproblema dreptului conflictelor armate. La ntrebarea pus nc dintimpul primilor cretini, dac acetia au sau nu voie s poarterzboaie, deja Sf. Augustin a dat un rspuns afirmativ.Argumentarea sa, susinut de citate din Biblie, a ajuns la forma

18 Prefaa legilor de la Dieta din 1654: Erdlyi orszggylsi emlkek trtnetibevezetsekkel XI[Memorii de la Dieta din Transilvania cu introduceri istorice XI],ed. Sndor Szilgyi (Budapesta: Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia, 1885) p. 175176.

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sa cea mai sofisticat n scrierile scolasticilor. Sfntul Toma dinAquino, n opera sa Summa theologica, a afirmat c rzboiul este

permis dac se respect trei condiii: autoritas principis, causa iustai intentio recta. Conform acestora, rzboiul nu poate fi pornit dectde principe i doar n cazul n care are motive juste, iar scopul sunu este altceva dect refacerea pcii. Pe lng toate acestea, maieste necesar s se nceap cu o declaraie public de rzboi. Dupopinia scolasticilor Dreptul Canonic al papei Gregorian IX, apoiSf. Toma din Aquino doar rzboaiele de aprare, ori cele purtatecu scopul de-a rectiga bunurile pierdute pot fi considerate dreptei nicidecum luptele preventive19.

n secolul al XVI-lea apar noi puncte de vedere n legturcu aceast problem. Dreptul la rzboi (jus ad bellum) nu maieste doar o problem teologic, iar umanitii au ncercat i ei srspund la ntrebarea: n ce condiii se poate considera justnceperea unui rzboi. Teologii catolicii spanioli Fracisco deVitoria, Domingo de Soto, Francisco Surez i alii, dar iprotestantul Johannes Gerhard , motenitori ai problemeiaugustine, au pornit de la conceptul pcatului: n ce condiii potaccepta cretinii uciderea altor oameni. Umanitii, nnoitori aitradiiilor ciceroniene Alberico Gentili sau Francis Bacon ,concepeau ns rzboiul din punctul de vedere al comunitii:scopul justeii era strns legat de binele public20. n rspunsullor, au trebuit s recunoasc necesitatea rzboiului. Chiar isavanii umaniti - precum Erasmus din Rotterdam, renumitpentru pacifismul su radical, care n opera sa Querela pacisaapreciat orice rzboi ca ceva ru i de evitat pentru cretini -, aufost nevoii s fac din cnd n cnd concesii, recunoscnd nunele afirmaii justeea i nevoia anumitor rzboaie. n cazulsavantului olandez, aceasta s-a ntmplat n scrierile sale legatede ameninrile din partea turcilor, mai mult dect att, n uneledintre epistolele sale recunotea chiar i dreptul la un rzbointre cretini21. n istorie, jus ad bellumse consider n general

19 James Turner Johnson, Ideology, Reason, and the Limitation of War:Religious and Secular Concepts 12001740 (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, 1975) p. 3841, 46.20 Am preluat tipologia contrastului dintre scolastici i umaniti de la RichardTuck: The Rights of War and Peace: Political Thought and the International Orderfrom Grotius to Kant(Oxford: Oxford University Press,1999) p. 1677.21 Jos A. Fernndez, Erasmus on the Just War, Journal of the History of Ideas,34 (1973) Nr. 2. p. 209226. Tuck, The Rights op. cit. 2931. Schimbarea cese regsete n opera erasmusian este cu att mai important, cu ct autorul

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un punct de cotitur a epocii, iar rzboiul, n opoziie culegitimitatea sa fa de pacifismul cretin, ceea ce reprezenta

funcia sa de dinainte, i-a ctigat tot mai mult menirea delimitare a conflictului ca premis22.

Legitimitatea rzboiului preventiv, care primea ncontinuare un rspuns negativ din partea celor care se exprimaudin perspectiv teologic, a fost reformulat de ctre umaniti.Att Gentili, ct i Bacon considerau c nu trebuie ateptat pncnd puterea ostil atac, ci se poate folosi un atac preventiv nvederea aprrii. Credeau n continuare c ameninrile trebuies fie reale, ns exemplul dat de Bacon conflictul dintre Anglia

i Spania formnd suportul ideilor sale arat c exista o limitprea larg pentru a constata justeea. Conform opiniei lui Bacon,regele Spaniei, declarndu-se protectorul lumii catolice,amenina univoc Anglia protestant, astfel ostilitile mpotrivalui erau aciuni preventive juste23.

Teoria dreptului la rzboi a fost abordat sistematic deolandezul Hugo Grotius, n prima parte a secolului XVII-lea24. ntratatul su Despre dreptul rzboiului i al pcii rzboiulpreventiv i gsete locul ntre conflictele posibil juste, cu toatec motivele acceptabile sunt mai limitate teoretic, dect laBacon. A afirmat c nceperea unui rzboi se justific doar ncazul unor argumente directe i fr echivoc i nu n cazul celorpresupuse, iar ideile sale erau ilustrate de metafora dumanuluicare atac cu sabia scoas. Polemiznd cu Gentili, a consideratc nu se justific rzboiul care vizeaz limitarea puterii unui

chiar i n secolul al XVII-lea pare a fi adeptul exclusiv al pacifismului radical:Grotius pe el l nfrunt definind propriul punct de vedere mediator ntre ceicare resping n totalitate rzboiul i cei care consider c rzboiul nu se poatempca cu dreptul, conflictul fiind o stare lipsit de drept: Hugo Grotius, De

jure belli ac pacisProlegomena, 29.22 B.V.A. Rling, Jus ad bellum and the Grotian Heritage, in: International Lawand the Grotian Heritage: A Commemorative Colloquium Held at The Hague on 8April 1983 on the Occasion of the Fourth Centenary of the Birth of Hugo Grotius(The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Institut, 1985) p. 113.23 Johnson, Ideology op. cit. 9193. Despre convingerile lui Gentili vezi: Tuck,The Rights op. cit. p. 1650.24 Peter Haggenmacher subliniaz importana caracterului sistematic istructurat al lui Grotius, fa de filosofii haotici ai vremii care creaz din nimic

, On Assessing the Grotian Heritage, in International Law op. cit. p. 150160. Mai vezi monografia lui: Grotius et la doctrine de la guerre juste. (Paris:Presses universitaires de France, 1983).

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vecin, putere care crete pn la periculozitate, dei, evident,este de acord cu necesitatea sa25.

Dac comparm ncercarea legitimrii campaniei militaredin Moldova a lui Gyrgy Rkczi II cu operele gnditorilor maisus citai vom obine un rezultat doar parial. Argumentareaprincipelui din Ardeal este n deplin concordan cu teoria luiGentili i Bacon din secolul al XVI-lea. Conform convingeriloracestora, chiar i o cretere mai important a puterii unui stat ipagubele ce mai trziu provin de aici ar fi de ajuns pentruncepera unui rzboi preventiv, astfel argumentele nirate dectre Rkczi n epistola trimis mamei sale, cu toate c

ntrunesc motive extrem de alambicate, motiveaz totui pedeplin aciunile ntreprinse. Situaia nu este att de simpl ncazul acceptrii criteriilor lui Grotius, deoarece nici n contextuln care informaiile lui Szalrdi n ceea ce privete o aciune aforelor lui Vasile Lupu contra rii Romneti ar fi reale, nu arputea fi vorba de un pericol iminent pentru Ardeal26.

Dar chiar i un teoretician att de riguros precum Grotiustrebuia stie c politica se practica conform unor perspectivemult mai deschise, dect cele permise de cugetri pur teoretice.Nu ntmpltor a meionat n opera sa c: nu se ocup decriteriile unor utiliti practice, deoarece ele nu reprezintdomeniul filosofiei dreptului natural, ci o alt ramur a tiinei,cea a politicii27. n plus, ca politician practicant, trebuia snfrunte i personal asemenea probleme. ntre 1635 i decembrie1644, Grotius a ndeplinit rolul de sol al Suediei la Paris, iardintre atribuiile sale fcea parte i efortul de a convinge curteafrancez aliat de legimitatea rzboiului suedezo-danez dindecembrie 1643. Acest lucru a fost cu att mai greu, cu ct ncazul atacrii Danemarcei de ctre otile suedeze, guvernulregent a reginei Cristina a folosit ca i Rkczi - sistemul deargumente ale rzboiului preventiv, la fel, fr nici o provocaredeschis. Nu doar istoriografia modern suedezi danez este

25 Grotius, JBPII.I.IVV, XVII. Mai vezi: Johnson, Ideology, Reason op. cit., 214215; Onuma Yasuaki, War, in: A Normative Approach to War: Peace, War, and Justicein Hugo Grotius, ed. by Onuma Yasuaki (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993) p. 8688.26 Contrazice concluziilor noastre c B.V.A. Rling consider c popularitateaautorului se datoreaz tocmai posibilitilor extinse de justificare pe care le asigurGrotius, vezi: Jus ad bellum op. cit. 119122. ns autorul citat i-a formulat

concluziile, negreit, fr a ine cont de oportunitatea lui Grotius fa decontemporanii si. Mai vezi: obieciile lui H. N. Bull n acelai volum, p. 136140.27 Grotius, JBPProl. 57.

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de aceeai prere n ceea ce privete faptul c legitimitateaconflictului e problematic, dar au existat controverse i ntre

contemporani, aadar nu este ntmpltor c rzboiul n cauzeste unul dintre conflictele epocii moderene timpurii despre careau rmas cele mai multe documente, cu scopul de-a ntri sauchiar de-a nega legitimitatea28. Practica a permis, n orice caz,mult mai multe dect teoria i nu este deloc ntmpltor cobiceiul justificrii a crui punere n practic, la intrarea nRzboiul de treizeci de ani, n 1630, se evita nc de coroanasuedez, dei aceasta ar fi nsemnat o soluie adecvat adevenit foarte popular pn la mijlocul secolului al XVII-lea29.

Soluia gsit de Gyrgy Rkczi II corespundea aadar nu doarsituaiei date dintre toate argumentele posibile n epoc, ar fifost greu de ales o altfel de justificare pentru atacul contradomnitorului Moldovei , dar i trendului internaional30.

Despre mai muli conductori europeni, astfel i despreAdolf Gustav II, se tie c au citit opera lui Grotius31. GyrgyRkczi II nu fcea parte dintre ei i chiar dac ar fi avut nmn Despre justeea rzboiului i a pcii, acest lucru nu esteatestat de doc

studia universitatis petru maior. series historia nr. 06 2006

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