walter hilton - masura desavarsirii

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THE SCALE (or LADDER) ofPERFECTION

Written by WALTER HILTON

With an Essay on The Spiritual Life of Mediaeval England bythe Rev. J . B. DALGAIRNS, Priest of the Oratory

Moses plus profecit in monte adorando quam

mult i tude magna bellan t ium

Scanned an d edited by Ha rry P lant inga, 1995This et ext is in th e public doma in

Publishers' Note

OF a ll the old En glish ascetica l w orks w hich w ere exta nt before the Reforma tionnone have ma inta ined their reputa tion longer tha n Wa lter Hilton's " Scale ofP erfection." Hilton w a s a ca non of Thurga rton in Nott ingha mshire, and died in1395. His " Scale of P erfection" is found in no less th a n five MSS. in t he B ritish

Museum a lone. Wyn kyn d e Worde print ed it a t lea st t hr ee times -- in t he yea rs1494, 1519 an d 1525. Ma ny oth er editions w ere print ed a t t he sa me period.

After th e Reforma tion it w a s a favourite book of Fat her Augustine B a ker's, the w ell-known aut hor of "S an cta Sophia , " a nd his comments on i t a re among his MSS. a tDown side. In 1659 Fa ther B a ker's biogra pher an d editor, Dom S erenus C ressy,O.S.B . , published a n edition of the " Scale, " t he tit le-page of which claims t ha t " byth e cha nging of some an tiq ua ted w ords [it is] rendered more intelligible." Anotheredition a ppea red in 1672, a nd y et a nother in 1679.

With in our own t imes tw o editions h a ve been published -- one by t he la te Fa th erEphrem G uy, O.S.B . , in 1869, th e other, a reprint of Cr essy's, in 1870, w ith a nintroduction by Fa th er Da lgairns on the "S piritua l Life of Mediaeva l Engla nd."

Cressy's text ha s aga in been used in the present edition, an d Fa ther Da lgairns'sEssa y is a lso reprinted in t his volume.


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CONTENTS

An Essay on the Spiritual Life of Mediaeval England

THE FIRST BOOKPART I

I. That the inward state of the Soul should be like the outward

II. Of the Active Life, and the Exercises and the Works thereof

III. Of the Contemplative Life, and the Exercises and Works thereof

IV. Of three Sorts that be of Contemplation, and of the First of them

V. Of the Second Sort of Contemplation

VI. Of the Lower Degree of the Second Sort of Contemplation

VII. Of the Higher Degree of the Second Sort of Contemplation

VIII. Of the Third Sort of Contemplation

IX. Of the Difference that is betwixt the Second and Third Sort ofContemplation

X. How that Appearings or Shewings to the Corporal Senses or Feelings maybe both good and evil

XI. How thou shalt know whether the Showing or Apparition to the bodilySenses and Feelings be good or evil

XII. How and in what things a Contemplative Man should be busied

XIII. How virtue beginneth in Reason and Will and is perfected in Love andLiking, or Affection

XIV. Of the Means that bring a Soul to Contemplation

XV. (i) What a Man should use and refuse by the virtue of Humility

(ii) How Hypocrites and Heretics, for want of Humility, exalt themselvesin their Hearts above others

XVI. Of a firm Faith necessary thereto, and what things we ought to believethereby

XVII. Of a firm and resolute Intent and Purpose necessary thereto

XVIII. A brief Rehearsal of what hath been said, and of an Offering made of themaltogether to Jesus

PART II

I. (i) Of Prayer, and the several Sorts thereof


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(ii) How they should do that are troubled with vain Thoughts in theirPrayers

II. (i) Of Meditation

(ii) Of divers Temptations of the Enemy, and the Remedies against them

III. That a Man should know the measure of his Gift, that he may desire andtake a better when God giveth it

PART III

I. Of the Knowledge of a Man's Soul, and the Powers thereof necessary toContemplation

II. Of the Worthiness and Excellency of the Soul and how it was lost

III. (i) That a Man should be industrious to recover again his ancient Dignity,and reform within him the Image of the Trinity, and how it may be done

(ii) That this Dignity and Image is restored by Jesus, and how He is to bedesired, sought and found

IV. (i) Of the Ground and Image of sin in us, which is first to be found out andlaboured against, and how it is to be done

(ii) What the said Image of sin is, properly, and what cometh out of it

V. (i) Of the Seven Deadly sins, and first of Pride, what it is, and when it is adeadly sin and when but venial

(ii) How Pride in Heretics and in Hypocrites is deadly sin

(iii) A short Exhortation to Humility and Charity, with a Conclusion howa Man may know how much Pride he hath in him

VI. (i) Of Envy and Wrath and their Branches, and how, instead of sin, thePerson is often hated

(ii) That it is a Mastery and noble Skill to love Men's Persons, and yetwisely to hate their sins, and how

(iii) How a Man shall know how much Wrath and Envy is hid in theground of his Heart, and how he may know whether he loves his Enemies,and the Examples we have thereof in our Saviour

VII. Of Covetousness, and how a Man may know how much of it is hid in hisHeart

VIII. (i) Of Gluttony, and how a Man shall know when he sinneth not in Eatingand Drinking, and when he sinneth venially, and when deadly

(ii) That a Man should be busy to put away and hinder all Motions of Sin,but more busy about those of Spiritual sins than those of Bodily

(iii) What Remedy a Man should use against the Faults in Eating andDrinking


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IX. Of the Five Windows of this dark Image, and what cometh in by them,and how they are to be ordered

X. Of another Hole or Window that is to be stopped as well as the Windowsof the Senses, viz., the Imagination

XI. A Brief Rehearsal of what hath been said in the former Chapters, with aPortraiture of this dark Image of sin

XII. A comparing of this Image with the Image of Jesus, and how it is to bedealt with

XIII. How a Man shall be shapen to the Image of Jesus, and Jesus shapen in him

XIV. The Conclusion of this Book, and of the Cause why it was made, and howshe for whom it was made was to make use of it

THE SECOND BOOKPART I

I. (i) That a Man is the Image of God after the Soul and not after the Body;and how he is restored and reformed thereto that was misshapen by sin

(ii) That Jews and Pagans and also false Christians are not reformedeffectually through the virtue of the Passion through their own Faults

II. Of two Manners of Reforming of this Image, one in fulness, another inpart

III. That Reforming in part is in two manners, one in Faith, another in Feeling

IV. That through the Sacrament of Baptism (which is grounded in the Passion

of Christ) this Image is reformed from Original sin

V. That through the Sacrament of Penance (that consisteth in Contrition,Confession and Satisfaction) this Image is reformed from Actual sin

VI. That we are to believe stedfastly the reforming of this Image, if ourConscience witness to us a full forsaking of sin, and a true turning of ourWill to good living

VII. That all the Souls that live humbly in the Faith of Holy Church, and havetheir Faith enlivened with Love and Charity, be reformed by thisSacrament, though it be so that they cannot feel the special gift of

Devotion or of spiritual feelingVIII. That Souls reformed need ever to fight and strive against the Motions of

sin while they live here. And how a Soul may know when she assenteth tothese Motions, and when not

IX. That this Image is both fair and foul whilst it is in this Life here, though itbe reformed; and of the Differences of the secret Feelings of those that bereformed and those that be not

X. Of three sorts of Men, whereof some be not reformed, and some bereformed only in Faith, and some both in Faith and Feeling


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XI. How Men that abide and live in sin, misshape themselves into the likenessof divers Beasts, and they be called the Lovers of the World

XII. (i) How Lovers of this World in divers ways disenable themselves frombecoming reformed in their Souls

(ii) A little Counsel how Lovers of this World should do, if they will bereformed in their Souls before their departure hence

PART II

Of Reforming in Faith and Feeling also

I. That this Reforming cannot be suddenly gotten, but in length of Time, byGrace, and much Spiritual and Corporal Industry

II. (i) The Causes why so few Souls in comparison of the Multitude of otherscome to this Reforming that is both in Faith and Feeling

(ii) How that without great Corporal and Spiritual Industry, and withoutmuch Grace and Humility, Souls cannot come to reforming in Feeling norkeep themselves therein after they come thereto

III. An Entry or good Beginning of a Spiritual Journey, showing how a Soulshould behave herself in intending and working that will come to thisReforming, by example of a Pilgrim going to Jerusalem

IV. Of certain Temptations and Lettings which Souls feel from their SpiritualEnemies, in their Spiritual knowing and going towards Jerusalem, and theRemedies against them

V. Of an evil Day and a good Night, and what they mean, and how the Loveof the World is likened to an evil Day, and the love of God to a good Night

VI. How that the Desire of Jesus felt in this lightsome Darkness slayeth allMotions of sin, and enableth the Soul to perceive spiritual Lightnings fromthe heavenly Jerusalem, that is, Jesus

VII. How a Man shall know false Illuminations, that are feigned by the Enemy,from the true Light of knowing that cometh out of Jesus, and by whattokens

VIII. How great profit it is to the Soul to be brought through Grace into

lightsome Darkness, and how a Man shall dispose himself if he will comethereto

IX. That the Working of our Lord Jesus in the Reforming of a Soul, is dividedinto four times, which are: Calling, Justifying, Magnifying and Glorifying

X. How it falleth out sometimes that Souls that are but beginning or profitingin Grace seem to have more Love, as to outward tokens thereof, than somehave that be perfect, and yet it is not really so in their Interior

XI. After what manner a Man shall come to know his own Soul, and how aMan should set his Love in Jesus, God and Man in one Person


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PART III

I. In what Sense this Manner of Speaking of Reforming of a Soul in Feeling isto be understood, and in what Manner it is reformed, and how it is found

in St Paul's Writings

II. How God openeth the inward Eye of the Soul to see Him, not all at once,but by divers times, and of three Manners of reforming of a Soul explainedby a familiar Example

III. How Jesus is Heaven to the Soul, and why He is called Fire

IV. Of two manner of Loves, created and uncreated, and how we are bound tolove Jesus much for our Creation; but more for our Redemption, and mostof all for our Salvation, through the gifts of His Love

V. How that some Souls love Jesus by bodily Fervours, and by their own

human Affections that are moved by Grace and by Reason. And howsome love Him more quietly by spiritual Affections only moved inwardlythrough spiritual Grace of the Holy Ghost

VI. That the Gift of Love, amongst all other Gifts of Jesus, is most worthy andmost profitable. And how Jesus doth all that is well done in His lovers,only for Love. And how Love maketh the exercise of all Virtues and allgood Deeds light and easy

VII. How Love through gracious Beholding of Jesus slayeth all stirrings ofPride; and maketh the Soul to lose the savour and delight in all earthlyHonours

VIII. How Love slayeth all stirrings of Wrath and Envy easily; and reformeth inthe Soul the Virtues of Peace and Patience, and of perfect Charity to hisNeighbour, as He did specially in the Apostles

IX. Love slayeth Covetousness, Lechery and Gluttony, and the fleshly delightand savour in all the five Bodily Senses, softly and easily, through agracious beholding of Jesus

X. What Virtues and Graces a Soul receiveth through opening of the innereye into the gracious beholding of Jesus, and how it cannot be gotten onlyby man's labour, but through special grace and his own labour also

XI. How such special Grace for the Beholding of our Lord Jesus is withdrawnsometimes from a Soul; and how a Soul is to Behave herself in the Absenceand in the Presence of Jesus, and how a Soul shall always desire (as muchas is in her) the gracious Presence of Jesus

XII. A Commendation of Prayer offered up to Jesus by a Contemplative Soul,and how stableness in Prayer is a secure work to stand in; and how everyFeeling of Grace in a chosen Soul may be called Jesus. But the more cleanthe Soul is, the more worthy the Grace is


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XIII. How a Soul through the opening of the spiritual Eye receiveth a graciousLove enabling to understand the Holy Scriptures; and how Jesus, that ishid in the Holy Scriptures, showeth Himself to His Lovers

XIV. Of the secret Voice of Jesus sounding in a Soul, and how it may be known.And how all the gracious Illuminations made in a Soul be called the

Speakings of Jesus

XV. (i) How through gracious Opening of the Spiritual Eye a Soul is madeWise, humbly and truly to see the Diversities of Degrees in Holy Church,as Militant, and for to see the nature of Angels; and first of the Reprobate

(ii) How by the same light of Grace the Nature of the blessed Angels isseen. And how Jesus is God and Man above all Creatures, according tothat which the Soul may see of Him here

TREATISE WRITTEN TO A DEVOUT MANI. That he who intends to become a Spiritual Man must first use much

Bodily Exercise in Penance, and in Destroying of Sin

II. To what kind of Men the Active Life pertaineth

III. To whom the Contemplative Life appertaineth

IV. To whom appertaineth the Mixed Life

V. How holy Bishops held and used the said Mixed Life

VI. What kind of Life was most fitting for him for whom this Treatise was

madeVII. That a Man's Devotion sometimes will be the greater by reason of the

outward Work which before out of Charity he hath been in hand with

VIII. What the Desire of God for Himself is, and how that in Cleanness ofConscience is found true Comfort and Sweetness

IX. How thou shalt Dispose thee to Devotion

X. How a Man is to Think on the Humanity of Christ

XI. How a Man shall think on Virtues and upon the Saints

XII. How a Man shall think of the Holiness of our Lord Jesus and of ourBlessed Lady

XIII. Of seeing and beholding the Power (by some consideration or thinking),the Wisdom the Goodness and the Mercy of God in His Creatures

XIV. How the Consideration and thinking on the Miseries and Perils of this Lifeis apt to breed in a soul the Desire of Heaven

XV. How a Man shall do when he feeleth no taste nor comfort in his MentalExercises

XVI. What a Man is to take heed of in his Prayers and Meditations


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AN ESSAY on the

Spiritual Life of Mediaeval England

IT is only very gra dua lly tha t w e ar e obta ining a real knowledge of the Middle Ages.H ith erto it ha s been one of th ose subjects w hich no one could a pproa ch wit houtgetting int o a pa ssion. J ust a s no one ca n t a lk soberly of Mary, Queen of Scots, so itw ould a ppear a s if few could keep their t empers in speaking or w riting of themediaeval t ime. The fact is tha t it is only by lit t le tha t w e ca n underst a nd a periodso very different from our own. A cha otic t ime is a lwa ys a t ime of great contr a sts,when profound ignorance exists side by side with considerable learning inindividual insta nces, when heresies ar e wild an d monstrous, w hile fait h istouchingly simple an d devoted. The rea l difficulty is to estima te th e condition of th ema sses. It r equires a pa tient spirit of research into minut e deta ils a nd dry st a tistics,

united wit h a r everentia l admira tion, a sift ing crit icism as w ell as a devoutima ginat ion, to a void overweighing isolat ed insta nces and a tt a ching undueimporta nce to outst a nding a nd str iking featur es. I a m not going to ent er upon thisda ngerous ground. My only anxiety is to protest aga inst w ha t I ca nnot but considera great error, both historica lly an d ecclesiast ica lly, the assum ption t ha t t he MiddleAges a re the model t ime of Christ ianity. I t m at ters l it t le wh at a man thinks aboutmediaeval a rchitecture, vestments a nd embroidery, but it does ma tt er a good dealw ha t principles a m a n holds as to wh a t ma y be ca lled th e philosophy of ChurchHist ory. If h e conceives th e gran d st ory of G od's C hurch a s th ough it w ere apyra mid, t he a pex of w hich is formed by t he Middle Ages, wh ile modernCh ristendom is on th e dow nw a rd side, then his w hole view of Ch ristia nity is w rong.The Church never grow s old, and it h a s ad va nta ges in th e nineteenth centur y w hichit ha d not in the th irteenth. Wha t, however, strikes a st udent of history mostforcibly is tha t t he more minutely we know t he ages wh ich a re pa st , th e more welear n t he oneness of th e spirit a midst a ll outw a rd differences of form. We are everyda y obta ining m ore knowledge a bout t he Middle Ages. Much ha s come to light since,th irty yea rs a go, I wrote some "Lives of English Media eval Sa ints" a t Litt lemore,a nd, lit t le a s I ha ve been a ble to follow the progress of history since th en, I ha veseen enough to acknow ledge tha t recent publica tions ha ve brought w ith t hem th econviction tha t t here wa s far more interior a nd my stical life amongst our a ncestorstha n appear ed at f irst sight .

Very m uch ha s been done for us by such lear ned bodies a s th e Ea rly E nglish TextSociety, a nd by such men as P feiffer in G erman y a nd Lecoy de la Ma rche in Fra nce.

Now w e not only possess sermons like those of St B erna rd a ddressed to monks inth e cloister, but w e ha ve the identica l vernacular sermon w hich roused topassionat e grief the mediaeva l sinner, and d rew t ears of sweet devotion from th eeyes of the citizens of Cologne, Paris and London, or the peasants of countryparishes in t he B lack Forest or t he Weald of Kent. We ha ve the En glish prayersw hich w ere said before the Rosary w a s invented, and th e devotions wh ich t ouchedth e hea rts of men a nd w omen living in th e midst of tha t w orld w hich seems sostra nge an d so far off to us. I must confess th a t w ithout a ny depreciat ion of ourgrand old Cathedrals, "The Wooing of our Lord" and "The Ancren Riwle" have morecha rms for me tha n a thousa nd painted w indows. I know the thoughts wh ich f lowedfrom hea rts w hich ha ve long since ceased to beat , an d I can un dersta nd, a s I never


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did before, the grim old w a rriors an d th eir wives wh o look so unea rth ly side by sideupon t heir tombs. One t ouch of gra ce ma kes me feel akin t o them.

The perusa l of this literat ure has, however, fa r more th a n a sentimenta l interest . Itha s now become simply ludicrous to look upon th e devotiona l ideas of the MiddleAges as ma de up of indulgences an d gifts t o mona steries. These, of course, ha d th eir

right place, a s th ey ha ve now ; but, if ever it wa s doubtful, no one now can doubt th a tthe mediaeva l sinner knew q uite as w ell as t he gent lema n of th e nineteenth centur ytha t if he offended G od a nd did n ot r esolve never to offend H im a ga in, he wouldinfallibly be lost , t hough he left a ll his lan ds t o the neighbouring convent. P riestsmight sing Requiems, and nuns m ight recite th eir Office, but n ought could a va il theimpenitent before the judgement seat of Chr ist . If a ny m a n doubt it , let h im read asermon preached by B erth old of Regensbur g, somewhere nea r Toggenbur g orSa rga ns, not far from w here the ra ilwa y now skirt s th e lovely la ke of Wa llen. Thebar efooted Fra ncisca n introduces, in his dram a tic w a y, a ma n w ho had keptpossession of ill-gotten ga ins rising up in t he midst of th e congrega tion, a nd sa ying:"H o! B rother B erthold, I ha ve done good to the brotherhood, an d I m a ke myconfession every year; I h a ve often enterta ined you a t m y house; I a m in t he

confrat ernity, a nd ha ve besought your pray ers, tha t w hen I a m dead you may wa tchover my body w ith song a nd lections." " Thou ha st d one w ell, " is th e Br other'sa nsw er, "a nd a s soon as thou ar t dead w e will sing for th ee, and rea d long vigils,a nd chan t beaut iful Masses for th y soul, an d loud Requiems, a nd bring th ee inprocession from th y pa rish church int o our minst er, and lay th ee before the a lta r.B ut, I tell thee, if thou hast n ot restored w ha t t hou hast r obbed, then, if all the tearsa nd t he ra indrops w hich were ever shed or ra ined since the world began w ereturn ed into monks a nd brothers, grey monks an d black, Prea chers a nd Minorites --yea, into pa tria rchs and prophets, ma rty rs a nd confessors, widows a nd virgins, andif they w ere to rea d a nd t o sing a nd w eep tear s of blood before G od for thee to theda y of judgement, they w ould do thee no more good t ha n if th ey did a ll this for thefoul fiend." S uch wa s media eval doctr ine in th e year 1256. Moreover, it results from

ma ny hith erto unknown documents, tha t th ere w a s much more of wha t w e shouldnow call spirituality everyw here in the Middle Ages tha n even Ca tholics w eredisposed to think. It is even plain th a t n a tions were not reduced to one uniformsta nda rd. There wa s, for insta nce, a t ype of devotion wh ich w a s peculiarly E nglish,a nd the object of th e present essa y is t o point this out. Of course, I can only t reat thesubject cursorily, for w a nt of spa ce, a nd I w ill confine myself to one portion ofmediaeval life intima tely connected w ith the book w hich is h ere presented t o thereader.

Very lit t le is known of Wa lter H ilton, th e aut hor of th e "S cale or La dder ofP erfection." I t is very likely th a t m ore might be known if an y one took the t rouble tosearch the ma nuscripts of the Brit ish Museum. Something perha ps also might be

done towa rds a mendin g th e text of this book if the edition of 1659, of w hich th is is areprint , w ere compared w ith th e old bla ck lett er of Wynky n d e Worde. The presentedition,1however, ha s solely a spirit ua l, not a critical object, a nd, t herefore, Iconfine myself to the lit t le which lies on th e surface of history a bout th is myst ica lwriter , without inquir ing further . Fortuna tely, Father G uy ha s la t ely, in hisexcellent edition of "The Sca le of P erfection," th rown light on th e life of Wa lterHilton, by proving tha t he did not belong to the Ca rth usian Order, but wa s a C a non

1It should be remembered tha t t he book wa s writ ten in the fourteenth century, a nd the reader must

expect inaccuracies which would not be tolerated now. For instance, I would mention the author's

views about the sins of heath ens, and ina dequat e notions of the Sa crament of Pena nce.


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of Thurga rton, in Nott ingha mshire. Ta nner ha d a lready published a n extra ct from ama nuscript, w hich gave 1395 a s th e year of his deat h. No one, how ever, ha d a s yetperceived t ha t t his fa ct d isproves th e ordina ry a ccount of his ha ving been a memberof Henry VI's Ca rth usian m ona stery a t S heen, since tha t house w a s not founded tillsevera l years lat er. It m ight st ill be argued t ha t h e belonged to some oth er house ofthe Order. As, how ever, there is no a uth ority for his ha ving been a Ca rth usian

except the erroneous a ccount of his h a ving belonged to Sh een, a nd a s t he passa gequoted by Ta nner distinctly a ffirms him t o ha ve died at Thurga rton, Fa ther G uyseems t o me to ha ve sufficiently proved his point. I t is not ha rd t o see how t hemista ke a rose. Wa lter Hilton had evident ly a great devotion to th e Car thusia nOrder, and th ere is still exta nt in ma nuscript a panegyric of it , ad dressed to Ada mH orsley, a n officer of the Kin g's E xchequer, w ho by his a dvice beca me a disciple ofS t B runo.2On the oth er han d, we sha ll presently see a bunda nt proof tha t t hedevotion of the Ca rth usian s to Wa lter Hilton wa s no less great . There wa ssomething in the " Scale of Perfection" w hich a tt ra cted the monks whom theCh ristia n inst incts of Henry VI plan ted in t he neighbourhood of his pa lace ofRichmond, as well as t heir brethr en of the Ch a rterhouse, wh o kept up a wit ness for

G od in th e heart of London.There is, however, an especial r eason w hy the book should ha ve found its w a y t oSh een. We know from D ugda le tha t a benefactor of the monast ery ha d a ssigned outof the manors of Lewisha m a nd G reenw ich tw enty marks a year for thema intena nce of a n a nchoret, w hose cell wa s in its precincts. Thus t here dwelt in t hemidst of th e Ca rt husia ns one of th ose recluses to wh ose inst ruction th e book isdedica ted, a nd a description of wh om w ill form a considerable part of th is essay.

Now it is not a lit t le stra nge tha t a large portion of English vernacular literat ureha s dir ect reference to th is form of th e solita ry life. We possess, besides Hilt on's"S ca le of P erfection," t w o oth er most rema rka ble books, add ressed t o or w ritt en bya nchoresses. They w ill serve a s specimens of the spiritua l life of our an cestors a t

several very striking periods.It is very rema rka ble th a t t he most st a rtling form of th e life of the desert sa intsshould h a ve cont inued in E nglan d up t o the very moment of the Reforma tion. TheAnchorets or Anchoresses (for there were solitaries of both sexes) were more lonelyth a n hermit s in t he sense tha t t hey w ere fa r more of recluses. The hermit lived, it istrue, in a n out of the w a y place, in a forest , or in one of th ose man y uncultivat edspots of w hich a n E nglish common or down a re th e sole relics, but w hich w ere ea silyto be found in a countr y not y et entirely cultivat ed; while the a nchorets w erecommonly a tt a ched to a church, an d w ere thus not fa r from th eir fellow men. Theyw ere, how ever, immured wit hin t he four w a lls of their ha bita tion, while the hermitw a s a free denizen of the w oods. As w e know from S t G odric, he might h a ve hisga rden a nd h is cow . The a nchorets, on the contr a ry, w ere strictly confined to th eircells. They w ere the descenda nt s of solita ries like St Tha is a nd t hose oth er reclusesof wh om w e read in t he an na ls of the Nile desert , w ho were strictly shut up in theirhut a nd only held conversat ion w ith others thr ough a w indow, wh ich a lso served a sa pas sa ge for th eir food. This sort of life, th en, wa s by no mean s peculia r t o th eOrient a l contempla tive w ho fled from th e old w orn-out w orld of a decrepitcivilizat ion. The sa me ta ste for solitude in its most extreme form w a s a part of the

2This treatise exists in manuscript in the library of Merton College. Mr Bliss, one of the librarians of

the B odleian, ha s kindly examined it , an d a ssures me that it nowhere implies that Hilton himself

belonged t o the Order.


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young a nd vigorous life of th ose Teutonic na tions w hom Ch ristia nity converted a fterth e Roma n a nd H ellenic cultur e ha d disa ppea red. While the blood of the old Vikingsw a s still fresh in their veins, men an d w omen left th e brillia nt a nd va ried world ofth e Middle Ages, which w a s still full of life a nd m ovement , to shut t hemselves in acell, with no prospect but th e black yews a nd crosses of th e chur ch-ya rd. This w a s asolitude fa r deeper tha n th a t of th e great monast eries, ea ch of w hich w a s a lit t le

w orld. It is evident tha t t hese recluses were by no mean s ra re. There is ma ny afoundation on record for the perpetual entertainment of a recluse. 3S everalPontificals contain a regular office for these enclosures. Very often the anchoret wasa cha plain a tt a ched to a church, who said Ma ss in his cell. The an choress w a s morecommonly nea r a church, into wh ich sh e could look th rough a w indow, a nd t husta ke pa rt in its holy ceremonies. In cident a l mention is often ma de of such reclusesin t he troubled hist ory of th e times. Two a nchorets w ere burned in the church a tMa ntes, w hen William the C onqueror set fire to the town. Richar d II , before settingout on his da ngerous encount er wit h Wa t Tyler, went to confession to the a nchoretin Westminster Abbey. It is probable tha t th ese holy men w ere often spiritua ldirectors, wh ile, a s w e sha ll present ly see, ma ny souls in sorrow a nd t rouble, ca me

to the w indow of the maiden a nchoress for a dvice and consola tion. It is tr ue tha tfrom th eir very position the recluses were exposed to grea t t empta tions. Sometimeshypocrites w ere to be found a mong them, a s is known from t he life of St S tephen ofObazine, wh ere we hear of a pretended a nchoret w ho deca mped with sums of moneyentr ust ed to him. The life is more int elligible in th e ca se of a priest w ho ha d th ea dora ble Sa crifice to offer up, confessions to hea r, a nd Office to recite; but w ha tw ould be th e occupat ion of the hear ts a nd bra ins of ma ny a n E nglish ma iden duringthe long da ys a nd night s wh ich she thus spent in th e nar row circle of the four w a llsw hich th us encaged h er? Wha t spells did she use to cool th e restless fever in h erveins? This is revealed to us by th ose tr eat ises wh ich w e are now t o consider.

The first is t he " Ancren Riw le," a book for an choresses, first published by t heCamden Society. The authorship of this remarkable book is very uncertain, or

ra th er it is un known. There is not a vestige of evidence to connect it w ith S t Richa rdof Chichester, to w hom it ha s been a scribed. On the fa ith of a ma nuscript, it ha sbeen a ssigned to Simon of Gh ent B ishop of Sa lisbury, a nd supposed to ha ve beenw ritt en by him for some sisters living a t Ta ra nt in Dorsetshire. It ha s a lso beencontended tha t R icha rd P oore, Bishop of th e same S ee, wa s its a uthor. The onlything tha t is certa in is that i t w as w rit ten by a Dominican , for the l ist of pra yersw hich th e writer enumerat es as ha ving been in use a mong the lay brothers of hisOrder, are nea rly identical w ith t hose ordered in th e Rule of St Dominic.4As th eB la ck Fria rs did n ot come to En gla nd t ill 1221, the book could not ha ve beenoriginally w ritten for the sisters at Ta ra nt, w ho before tha t da te are known to ha vebeen C istercian a nd n ot recluses; nor ca n one of the a bove-na med prelat es be itsa uth or, for t hey never belonged to th e Order. Whoever wa s its a uth or, it is evidentth a t it must h a ve been w ritt en before French ha d penetra ted to any grea t extentint o th e English t ongue. A few such expressions a s Deulefet (Dieu le fait) an d " sot"(foolish), show t he presence of th e Norma n; a nd "a nnui" proves how ea rly a nimporta tion from Fra nce w a s wea riness of spirit in Engla nd. B ut t he newness ofw ords of French origin proves how litt le tw o cent uries of Norma n rule ha d

3Man y of these part iculars are ta ken from t he very interesting a ccount of the Anchorets in Dr Rock's

"C hurch of our Fa thers."4Compa re "Ancren Riwle," p. 24, with B rockie, tom. IV, 121. It is a lso plain , from p. 38 of the Riw le,

tha t t he aut hor did not believe the Imma culat e Conception.


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succeeded in Roma nizing t he old la ngua ge of th e Sa xon. Though t he recluses tow hom the book is a ddressed evidently could read French, yet t he wh ole langua gea nd tone of th ought is essent ially E nglish. The a nchoresses, then, w ere Englishgirls, in the th irteenth cent ury. Their very na mes are unknown, t hough at th a ttime, proba bly in the reign of our H enry II I, th eir renunciation of the w orld w a smuch spoken of am ong our a ncestors. "Much w ord is of you, how gent le w omen ye

be, for godliness a nd for nobleness year ned a fter by ma ny, sisters of one fat her a ndone mother, in t he blossom of your youth h a ving forsa ken all t he world's blisses, andbecome a nchoresses." A rich neighbour sent t hem a ll necessa ries "fr om his ha ll."They ha d ma idens to w a it upon th em, a nd to provide a ll th a t th ey wa nted fromw ith out. They t hemselves, however, never stepped beyond th e thr eshold of th eirhermita ge. One window looked int o the church, an d from thence th ey assisted a t t heholy S a crifice of th e Mass. At a nother w indow , a nsw ering to the grill of an enclosedconvent , they ga ve aud ience to visitors; but from th e moment of th eir seclusion theynever left t heir house, till th ey were carr ied out for buria l.

Wha t could be the mean ing of this a ppa rition in t he bustling times of the thirt eenthcentury. Though society w a s gra dua lly sett ling dow n, yet it w a s a restless age. Men

did not t ra vel for plea sure, nor w ere there yea rly migra tions to the seaside; yetthere w a s still a good dea l of wa ndering. The great migra tions of na tions were overlong before, an d t he ma jority of the a gricultura l population w a s st ill pra ctically t iedto the soil; yet crusa des and pilgrimages often drew men t o th e fa r E a st a nd a crossth e Alps. The schola r w a ndered from universit y to universit y for knowledge; th emercha nt w a s not t ied to his desk, but tr a velled from fa ir to fa ir with a ll hisprecious wa res; the minstrel dissemina ted news, a nd sun g his balla ds. There wa s aw orld th en, with pomps a nd va nities, as t here is now; a ga y, part i-coloured, motleyw orld, at w hich th e Church frow ned an d prea ched. The eterna l wa r between G oda nd t he w orld w a s going on. It is quite tr ue there wa s less of the chronic excitementw hich is now w earing th e strength of souls with its w a sting fever. Pleasur es wereintermitt ent, a nd life more even.5B a lls were few , an d generally took pla ce in the

da ytime; public tourna ments w ere few a nd fa r between. Yet society w a s stillhea ving w ith conflicting elements. Archbishops were often in exile, Emperors wereunder th e ban of th e Church; th e Pope himself oftener in Viterbo tha n in R ome.En glish barons were har a ssing their king with Oxford P rovisions; Simon deMontfort w a s devising a real English P a rliament w here the middle cla sses w ererepresented. All the w hile these maidens of the period w ere pra ying t o God da y a ndnight .

This is t he secret of th eir life. Wherever men believe in pra yer, you a re sure t o ha veth e mona stic life in some sha pe or other. If t hey ha ve none, th ey w ill soon cease tobelieve in prayer, as is fast becoming the case in all Protestant countries. Whereverth e Christ ian idea is st rong, men w ho are by t heir position n ecessarily involved in

th e strife of the world will be glad t o know tha t men a nd w omen w ho are separa tedfrom its t urmoils a nd its sins a re offering pray ers to God for th em.

It is plain t ha t such wa s the occupa tion, a nd such the idea of the a nchoress. It isa lso true tha t t hey did a great deal more tha n pray. The very da ngers against w hichthe aut hor of her rule wa rns her ar e a proof tha t a l l had ma ny visitors. He w arn sher a ga inst becoming a "ba bbling" or "gossiping an choress, " a va riety of the speciesevidently dr a w n from t he life; a recluse whose cell w a s t he depository of all th e newsof the neighbourhood a t a t ime wh en newspa pers did not exist . H er ha bitat ion is not

5Chaire Franaise au Moyen Age, 414.


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to be th e storehouse wh ere the neighbours placed objects of value, th a t t hey migh tbe safe from t he robber's ha nd. All th is proves tha t the good a nchoress ha d mea ns ofexercising cha rity t ow a rds her fellow creat ures. Many a sorrowing soul ca me to thew indow, a nd received ba lm for her w ounded spirit from behind th e bla ck curta ina nd t he wh ite cross which hung t here. Through her servant s she might evenpractise hospita lity to those wh o w a nt ed it , a nd t hey might a ct a s schoolmistresses

to lit t le girls wh o oth erwise would frequent schools w here boys w ere taugh t. All th isis quite true, yet it is plain th a t t he chief business of the a nchoress wa s pray er.

It is very difficult for men living in t he modern w orld to understa nd a life of pray er;yet th ey must a ccept it a s a real fa ct . Thousand s of Chr istian s ha ve lived such a lifew ithout becoming either pra ying ma chines like the B uddhists or fa kirs like theB ra hmins. The principle of Chr istian a sceticism is as fa r a part from Ma nicheism aspossible. It is simply th e principle of expia tory suffering a nd pra yer involved in t hevery idea of the sa crifice of Ch rist . The gulf wh ich separa tes t he a nchoress from t hefan a tic is the love of J esus. Of course this is nothing new t o Ca tholics. Yet I th inktha t even Ca th olics ar e not a w a re to w ha t extent this is true of media eval devotion,a nd a bove all of En glan d. Looking at th e Engla nd of to-da y it is very difficult t o

realize the fact th a t , w hilst such a feeling towa rds our Lord is the very foundat ion ofa ll Chr istian devotion, there is undoubtedly a kind of tender, pa th etic love wh ich isto be found in old English w riters, an d w hich is peculiarly t heir ow n. If I w ere a skedto select the gra ce which is prominent in t heir writings, I sh ould say tha t it w a spiety in t he sense in w hich t he w ord is a pplied t o the gift of the H oly G host. Thelitera tur e wh ich is now before us is a n excellent specimen of this spirit, because ofthe grea t interior freedom w hich w a s a llowed t o anchorets. They w ere lessliturgica l, a nd ha d few er regulat ions th a n th e religious Orders. "I n th is wise," sa ysthe Rule, " a nsw er to him th a t a sketh y ou of your Order, a nd w hether it is white orblack; sa y t ha t ye a re both, t hrough the gra ce of G od, of St J a mes's order, a boutw hich he w rote, I mm acul atum se custodi r e ab hoc saecul o, tha t is, as I sa id before,'From t he w orld to keep himself clean a nd un st a ined.' Herein is religion, a nd n ot in

the w hite hood nor in t he black, nor in th e whit e nor in t he grey cow l. Thus it is in aconvent ; but w herever w oma n liveth or ma n liveth by himself alone, eremite ora nchoret, on outw a rd t hings w hereof no sca nda l cometh, he need lay lit t le stress. " 6

The an choress ha d no peculiar h a bit , an d her office wa s, as h a s been sa id, not t ha tof the choir, but tha t of the lay broth ers. She is encoura ged to say E nglish prayers.7

At m idday she ma de a medita tion on t he crucifix. Holy meditat ions a re especiallyrecommen ded to her.8Though, a ccording to th e pra ctice of the C hur ch at th e time,she ma de only fifteen C ommunions a year, yet t here is a ma rked devotion to theB lessed Sa crament thr oughout the tr eat ise. Its perpetua l presence in the church isheld out a s a refuge a gainst t empta t ion, an d i t is pla in t ha t from the window wh ichlooked int o th e chur ch, the a nchoress often kn elt in pra yer, w ith her eyes fixed uponth e alta r w here J esus la y in th e Sacra ment of His love. Let me give a few specimensof th ese medita tions of th e thirt eenth century. These then w ere the veritableth oughts w hich w ent th rough the heart s of English a nchoresses a s they knelt beforethe crucifix five hundred years ago:

"J esus; true G od! G od's Son! J esus, true G od, true Ma n! Ma n, maiden-born! J esus,my h oly love, my own sw eetn ess! J esus, mine heart , my joy, my soul's healt h! J esus,sw eet! J esus, my love, my light , my hea ling oil, my honey-drop! Thou all t ha t I h ope

6Ancren Riwle, p. 13.7P . 291.8P . 241.


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in! J esus, my w eal, my w insomeness, blithe bliss of my breast ! J esus, teach me tha tThou a rt so soft, a nd so sweet, yet , too, so lovely a nd so lovesome th a t t he Angelsever behold Thee, an d y et a re never full of looking on Thee! J esus, a ll fa ir, beforew hom the sun is but a sh a dow, for she loseth her light a nd becometh a sha med ofher da rkness before Thy bright fa ce. Thou tha t givest her light, a nd wh ose is a lltha t bright ness, enlighten my da rk hear t . G ive brightness to Thy bower, even my

soul tha t is sooty. Ma ke her w orth y t o be Thy sw eet a bode. Kindle me w ith t he blazeof Thy enlight ening love. Let me be Thy bride, a nd lear n m e to love Thee, th e lovingLord! Wo tha t I a m so stra nge with Thee; but a s Thou hast bodily sepa ra ted mefrom t he world, sepa ra te me eke in hea rt ; t urn m e altogether to Thee, wit h t rue lovea nd belief." 9

In a nother place, a fter a bea utiful a nd m inute description of th e crucifixion, a ndhow th e "hellba irns" betra yed an d crucified Him, she breaks out: " Ah! J esus, mylife's love, w ha t h eart is there tha t w ill not break w hen he thinketh hereof; howThou, tha t a rt t he Sa viour of ma nkind, an d the remedy for a ll ba les, didst tholesuch sh a me for t he honour of man kind. Men speak oft of w onders a nd of stra ngethings divers a nd ma nifold tha t h ave befallen, but this w as the greatest w onder

th a t ever befell upon eart h. Yea , wonder above w onders tha t th a t renowned Ka iser,crowned in H eaven, ma ker of all th a t is ma de, to honour H is foes would ha ngbetw een t w o thieves. Ah, how can I live for rut h t ha t see my da rling on the rood,a nd H is limbs so dra wn tha t I m a y tell ea ch bone in His body! Ah, how do they nowdrive the iron na ils through Thy fa ir ha nds int o the har d rood a nd t hrough Thynoble feet! Ah, now from th ose ha nds a nd feet so lovely str eam s th e blood soruefully! Ah, now t hey offer to my love, w ho say s H e thirst s, tw o evil drinks in Hisblood-lett ing, vinega r, sourest of a ll drinks, mingled w ith gall, th a t is th e bitt erest ofa ll things! Ah, now , sweet J esus, yet besides a ll Thy w oe, to eke it out w ith sh a mea nd m ockery, th ey laug h Thee to scorn w hen Thou ha ngest on t he rood! Ah t ha tlovely body t ha t h a ngs so ruefully, so bloody, an d so cold! Ah, how sha ll I live, fornow dies my love for me on t he dear rood, ha ngs down H is head, a nd sends forth H is

soul? B ut it seems t o th em tha t H e is not yet fully tormented, nor will they let thepitiful body r est in peace. They brin g forth Longinusw ith the broa d sharp spear . H epierces H is side, cleaves the hea rt , a nd t here come flow ing out of tha t w ide woundthe B lood tha t bought us, the wa ter tha t w a shes the world of guil t a nd sin. Ah,sw eet J esus, Thou openest for me Thy hear t , t ha t I m a y know Thee truly, for t here Ima y openly see how m uch Thou lovedst me. With w rong sh ould I r efuse Thee myhear t , since Thou hast bought h eart for hea rt . J esus, sw eet J esus, thus Thoufoughtest for me a ga inst m y soul's foes. Thou didst set tle th e contest for me wit hThy body, a nd h a st m a de of me, a w retch, Thy beloved a nd Thy spouse. Br oughtThou ha st m e from t he w orld to Thy bow er. I ma y t here so sweetly kiss Thee, andembra ce Thee, an d of Thy love ha ve ghostly liking. Wha t ma y I suffer for Thee fora ll tha t Thou didst th ole (endure) for me? B ut it is w ell for me tha t Thou be eas y t osat isfy. A wretched body a nd a weak I bear upon eart h, and tha t , such a s i t is , Iha ve given Thee an d w ill give Thee to Thy service. Let m y body ha ng w ith Thy bodyna iled on th e rood, a nd enclosed wit hin four wa lls, and h a ng I Will with Thee, a ndnever m ore lea ve my cross t ill tha t I die."

These extr a cts suffice to give us an insight int o the inner life of th e an choresses ofthe thirteenth century. They were supported in their long imprisonment by the loveof our L ord. Their t hought s w ere fed by t he ima ge of J esus. This is expressed incha racterist ic words: "After the death of an earnest knight ma n ha ngeth high in

9This interpreta tion is rath er different from tha t of the learned tra nslat or of the " Riwle."


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church his sh ield to his memory. All so is th is shield, th a t is, t he crucifix, set inchurch in such place tha t it ma y soonest be seen, for t o think th ereby on theknightship of J esus Christ wh ich H e did on t he rood." H ere is evidently apas sionat e, chiva lrous love of our L ord. The Rule is very fu ll of child-like piety, a nda t t he sa me time of shrewd common sense. Its w hole tone is a s different a s possiblefrom th a t of the hermit of modern fa ncy. There ar e no ima ges of Alexand ria n orgies,

no hobgoblins w orse th a n t he a nchoress's cat , wh ich is especia lly exempt from th eban w hich proscribes pet a nima ls.10Sh e is noth ing but a simple girl, who ha s givenup the free life of En glish count ry m a idens for the love of Ch rist .

Very d ifferent is th e next a nchoress wh o comes und er our considera tion. One of th emost rema rka ble books of the Middle Ages is the hit herto a lmost unknown w orkca lled " Sixteen Revelat ions of Divine Love ma de to a devout servant of our Lord,ca lled Mother J uliana , a n Anchoress of Norw ich." 11It cont a ins visions a nd passa gesof such beaut y a s to riva l the revelat ions of the B lessed Angela of Foligno. We sha llfind it well w orth st udying.

B ut lit t le is know n of Mother J uliana . Her very nam e has been hith erto unnoticed.It appears, however, most probable tha t she is the J ulian a La mpit t o whom aknight, S ha kespeare's " good S ir Thomas Er pingham ," 12w ho comma nded theEn glish ar chers a t Agincourt, left a lega cy in h is will in 1424. Her cell wa s a t t heeast end of the church-ya rd of St J ulian's Church at Norw ich.13She wa s thir ty yearsold a nd a ha lf in May , 1373, a nd, a s she a ppears t o have died in 1443, she mustha ve lived to be a hundr ed. She thu s lived t hrough some of the most st irring timesof English history. She sa w P oitiers an d Agincourt, a nd t he death of J oa n of Arc.

Nothin g ca n sh ow more forcibly how profoundly th e minds of men in the fourteenthcentury w ere stirred down t o th eir low est depth s tha n th e appea ra nce in a n obscureanchoress of those fundamental questions concerning good and evil, which, howeverlaid t o rest in t imes of pea ceful faith, a re sure to sta rt up a fresh wh enever theminds of men a re strongly moved. We know t ha t t he time wa s ma rked by a n

outburst of mystical life in G erman y, an d tha t E ckha rt , Ta uler a nd th e B lessedH enry S uso ar e proofs of th e existence of a deeply specula tive a s w ell as religiousspirit ; but we w ere not prepared t o find it in En glan d. This is th e more remarka blebecause there is no tra ce of a ny connexion betw een t he G erman a nd E nglishmovement. In one short passa ge alone, J uliana , in th e crude En glish expression,"u nma de kind is G od," 14might seem to give utt era nce to th e doctrine so prominentin Eckhar t t ha t creatur es, considered as eterna lly present t o G od's mind, a reidentica l with G od. It w a s such expressions a s these which drew upon th e

10P . 417.11Blomfield, in his H istory of Norfolk, p. 546, mentions a MS ., apparently existing in his day , an d

belonging to a clergyman of the name of Peck, author of "The Antiquities of Stamford." The book wasfirst published by Cr essy in 1670, and reprinted in 1843.12Sir Thomas E rpingham ha s th e credit of ha ving been a partisa n of Wycliffe. Tha t for t wenty-eight

years before his deat h he wa s a good Ca tholic is certain. Fr om the year 1400 he wa s an intima te

friend of the B ishop of Norwich, the great enemy of the Lollards. He is sa id to have built a gat e at the

west end of the Cat hedral a s an at onement for his errors. In the same w ill there is a legacy for

Ma sses for his soul, a nd special bequests to each Monk. -- B lomfield, 372, 526.13It is true th at J uliana La mpit is th ere said to be the recluse of Ca rrow (v. Blomfield, p 515). The

church of St J ulian, however, belonged t o the nunnery of Ca rrow, a nd t herefore the recluse might

very w ell have been called by t ha t n a me. -- P p. 545, 546, 862, where 1528 is evident ly a misprint for

l428.14P . 157.


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Dominica n t he censure of the C hurch, wh ich, a fter his submission, he modified, an dw hich rea ppear in w riters of his school, such a s th e Blessed Henry S uso, but w ithexpla na tions w hich r ender them h a rmless. Their occurrence in Mother J uliana isvery remar kable. We might be tempted to suppose tha t t hey w ere an importa tioninto Norw ich t hrough th e immigrat ion of Flemish w eavers. We must, h ow ever,remember that this school of mysticism, represented by Ruysbrock, appeared later

in Fla nders th a n in t he Rhineland. These views, then, a re only a nother proof,a mong ma ny, of the simulta neous a ppeara nce of ideas in places unconnected w itheach other. Like volca noes, dista nt from ea ch other, bursting out into flame a t onea nd t he sa me moment, t hey reveal th e existence of some fiery depths a t w ork in t hevery heart of Chr istendom. In J uliana 's mind, however, this view of creat ion is onlysubordina te to th a t w hich a bsorbs a nd a gonizes her wh ole being -- the my stery ofth e existence of sin. Like the fa ces of fiends w hich grin in s tone down upon us fr omthe roof of a G othic ca thedra l, the thought h a unt ed her cell a nd mocked her a t h erpray ers. In her m ind it does not t a ke the sha pe of the modern difficulty of theexistence of suffering, eternal or tempora l. It is t rue tha t even in t his sha pe thedifficulty w a s not ent irely un know n t o the Middle Ages. In D a nte's great poem, forinsta nce, the question of the eterna l destiny of the heat hen is treat ed with afreedom which we should not have expected. Even in the preceding century BrotherB erth old is obliged to a nsw er both popular a nd lea rned objections to th e doctrine ofeverlast ing punishment. 15This, however, is never doubted by Moth er J ulia na . Withher t he difficulty is th e possibility of the existence of such a horror a s sin increat ures, which, even in th e nat ura l order, are so connected w ith G od th a t in H imth ey "m ove an d ha ve their being." Above all, in th e superna tura l order, how couldth ere be sin in souls predestina ted to heaven? "H ow ma y t his be? For I know by t hecommon t eaching of holy C hurch, a nd by mine ow n feeling, tha t th e blame of oursins continua lly han geth upon us from the first m a n unt o the time w hen we comeup into Heaven. And betw een t hese two cont ra ries my reason w a s great ly troubledby my blindness, a nd could ha ve no rest , for dr ead tha t His blissful presence should

pass from my sight , an d I t o be left in unknowing how H e beheld us in our sin. Mylonging endured, H im cont inua lly beholding; a nd yet I could h a ve no pat ience ingreat fear a nd perplexity. " H er mind is torn beca use she must h a te sin, "a s holyChurch teacheth, " yet th at ha teful thing exists in the predest ina te .16In va in sheta kes refuge in th e views of the schoolmen tha t sin h a s " no man ner of substa nce, neno part of being, ne it might not be know n but by th e pain t hereof. "17I t wa s butpoor comfort th a t sin , being a defect a nd t herefore a nega tion, can be no object ofcognit ion. The fiend w a s too powerful to be la id by meta physica l distin ctions.Conscience a nd " th e doom of th e Church" a like cried out t ha t it w a s a h orrid fa ct , a n"ugly sight , " a nd tha t ma ny creat ures "sha ll he damned to Hell without a id, as h olyCh urch tea cheth me to believe." 18The a gony of soul still cont inued: " I criedinw a rdly w ith a ll my might, seeking unt o G od for help, moaning t hus: 'Ah! Lord

J esus, King of bliss, how sha ll I be eased?'" 19

This is very different from t he " Ancren Riw le." There we sa w none but th e ordina rytempta tions of the soul, " t he world a nd t he flesh." H ere is a soul racked by th ea gony of perplexity, torn by t he th roes of doubt. It is n ot the fruit of modern

15Pfeiffer, p. 386.16P . 110.17P. 62.18P. 71.19P . 111.


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scepticism, " t he spirit wh ich a lwa ys contra dicts. " S he ta kes for gra nted a ll thegrand mysteries of Heaven a nd eart h. I t is this very certa inty w hich causesintolera ble pain. This soul has a tremendous grasp of the reality of G od, w hich sh eexpresses wit h t erse energy . "The Trinit ie is G od," she excla ims, " G od is th eTrinitie, the Trinitie is our maker, the Trinitie is our keeper, the Trinitie is oureverlast ing lover, th e Trinit ie is our endless joy a nd our blisse, by our L ord J esus

Christ , a nd in our Lord J esus Christ ; a nd t his wa s showed in t he f irst sight (vision)a nd in a ll. For when J esus appea reth, the B lessed Trinity is understood a s unto mysight. " 20Yet w ith a ll th is, there wa s tha t " ugly sight" of sin, obscuring the very faceof G od, shaking " t he holy Church in sorrow a nd a nguish a nd t r ibulat ion, as mensha keth a cloth in th e w ind," 21coming like a da rk cloud betw een h er an d t hecrucifix. Truly h ere is a n a nchoress worth st udyin g, if only beca use it gives us a n ewa nd un expected insight into the mediaeva l t ime.

The fact is hers w a s a disma l age. The more we study history, the moreprepost erous it seems to lump together in to one the w hole of th ose a ges commonlycalled the Ages of Fa ith . There is as m uch difference betw een t he tw elfth a ndfourteenth centuries a s betw een t he fourteenth a nd the n ineteenth . The pow er of

th e Church t hroughout t he Middle Ages has certa inly been m uch exaggera ted.There were continua l fluctua tions of victory a nd defea t . E ven in t he th irteenthcentury sh e wa s by no mea ns omnipotent; certa inly at th e beginning of thefourteenth her influence wa s sensibly growing less. I wish, however, just nowespecially t o point out t ha t , simulta neously w ith t he fierce a tt a ck of Eur ope on theP apa cy, of which the treatment of Boniface VIII by P hil ip the Fair w as t hebeginning, th ere ca me a n un doubted outburst of sin, a ma rked progress in vice. It isa bsurd to look for t he cause of this enmit y in t he P a pacy itself. B oniface la id cla imto nothing w ha tsoever wh ich w a s not successfully cla imed by Inn ocent II I. Thecauses w ere to be found in society it self, in profound socia l cha nges w hich w erebringin g on political revolutions. The unchrist ia n principles w hich from th e firstw ere conta ined in chivalry, its courts of love, and its impure literat ure, were now

getting entirely th e upper ha nd over its h igh a nd virt uous ideal. The germ of a ll thisw ickedness ha d been a t a n ea rly period brought over t o Engla nd by t he Queen ofHenry I I, th e Eleanor of the South of Fran ce. Since J ohn E ngla nd ha d been ruled bymen w ho, with a ll their fa ults, w ere good a nd r eligious -- Henry , Da nte's " king ofsim ple life," 22a nd t he noble Edw a rd, his son; but th e brillia ncy of Cressy a ndP oitiers ca nnot blind us t o the licentiousness of the court of Ed w a rd I II , even t houghw e disbelieve th e common story of his a ffection for the C ountess of Sa lisbury.Minut e deta ils on t he subject of dress an d ma nn ers, from cont empora ries of Moth erJ uliana , come to us from t oo man y sources to lea ve a doubt on th e degeneracy of thetimes. The dress a nd d emea nour of the ladies of the upper cla sses sca nda lized t hepeople, and w ere a distinct cha nge for th e worse. "In these day s, " sa ys Kn ighton,"a rose a m urmur a nd cla mour among the people, tha t w henever there wa s atourna ment, t here ca me a great concourse of lad ies of the court, costly a ndbea utiful, but not of the best of the kingdom, in divers a nd w onderful rich a ppa rel,in divided tun ics, one par t of one colour an d one of a noth er, wit h short caps a ndban ds in t he ma nner of cords w ound round t he head, a nd zones well bound roundw ith gold or silver, an d in pouches across their bodies knives ca lled daggers , an dth us t hey proceeded on chosen coursers or w ell-governed horses t o the pla ce of

20P . 9.21P. 63.22Purg.vii.


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tourna ment; a nd so expended and devast a ted th eir goods, an d vexed their bodiesw ith scurrilous w a ntonness, tha t t he murmur s of the people sounded everyw here;a nd thus they n eith er feared G od nor blushed a t the cha ste voice of th e people." 23

Evidently t hese ladies of the period w ere worse tha n th eir gra ndmothers. Let a nyone ca ll to mind th e Pa rson's sermon in th e "Ca nt erbury Ta les, " a nd he w ill see tha tth is immodesty cont inued in the reign of Richa rd I I. This chan ge of ma nners w a s,

however, by n o mea ns confined to En gland . Loud complaint s a rose from every lan din E urope. Da nt e's sa d a nd bea utiful description of th e simplicity of th e oldFlorentine life which he ha d known in his early y ears, a nd his indigna nt linesa ga inst t he low dresses int roduced am ong the Florentine la dies of th e fourteenthcentury,24a re too precise to a llow us t o suppose th em to be the product of a m orbidmind . The sober prose of th e chr onicle bea rs out t he la ngua ge of th e poet. " P eople a tth is t ime," sa ys th e Roma n a uthor of Rienzi's life, "bega n t o cha nge much in t heirha bits, both in dress and conduct. " Documents from P a via, P iacenza a nd Milan bearw itness to th e sam e cha nge for t he w orse, especially in the m odesty of the young.25

As for Fra nce, the universa l voice a ccuses it of being th e centr e of corru ption a ndvice. Alread y, a t t he end of th e preceding centur y, a prea cher of th e south of Fra nce

a tt a cks customs wh ich only appeared lat er elsew here.

26

Villan i tr a ces Florentinedegenera cy to th e visit of the F rench in 1384.27The sa me degeneracy a ppea rs inG erman y. Lan dino, a commenta tor on Da nte, ment ions a circumsta nce of Germa nlife wh ich r esembles S t Ch rysostom's invectives aga inst the public bat hs of th eEa stern Em pire. The w hole subject is thus summed up by a competent w riter28:"S ince the end of the th irteenth cent ury t he comfort a nd ma terial prosperity of a llclasses in It a ly, the Netherlan ds, France and G ermany w ere much greater owing toth e sprea d of commerce an d int ercourse. On a ll sides a re seen a tend ency to luxurya nd a ra pid change of fash ion w hich a lready, under P hilip IV, ca lled forth a forma lsumptua ry ordina nce for t he nobility, clergy a nd citizens." It w a s just one of thoseperiods in w hich th e hea rt of Christia ns like Moth er J uliana a re profoundly stirredby th e sight of the increasing w ickedness of mankind.

Nor need w e wonder tha t t he knowledge of th e wickedness of the w orld should ha verea ched the cell of th e recluse. It so ha ppens t ha t t he a nchoress lived in th e centr eof th ese politica l revolutions, w hich w ere the result of th is very degenera cy ofchiva lry. Norw ich, w ith it s 60,000 inha bitan ts, w a s th e second city in t he kingdom,a nd represented m ore interests t ha n even London. No one can fail t o have beenstruck with the prominence of financial deta ils in th e ann a ls of the reign of Ed wa rdII I. The great conqueror is forced to lea ve his great crown a nd his lit t le crow n a ndhis Queen's crow n in pledge, an d his n obles as h osta ges for his d ebts, before he ca nset sa il from th e cont inent a nd retur n t o his own kingdom. A great part of hisrevenues ca me from t a xes on wool, and a s Norwich wa s th e great seat of woollenma nufa ctures, it acquired an immense prepondera nce in an a ge w hen almost da ilya lterna tions between protectionist a nd free-tra de principles prove the a tt ention pa idto its peculia r bra nch of comm erce. The city w a s th erefore a lwa ys profound ly stir redby E ngla nd's revolutions, a nd w ild storms sur ged up to th e very doors of th e cell ofth e Anchoress of Ca rrow. E very part y in t he realm w a s represented there. About

23Quoted in Longman's Edward, i, 295.24Compare Purg. 23 a nd P a r. 15, 16.25Cant , H istoir e des I tal iens, t om. 7, c. 123.26Cha i r e Fr anai se au M oyen A ge. P . 409.27Ca nt, Ibid.28Schwa b, J ohannes Gerson, p. 38.


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seventy year s before J uliana 's birth th ere ha d been fighting in th e streets betw eenth e part isa ns of the Abbey a nd t he citizens. The old-w orld privileges of th e Chu rch,given in t imes when t he monks were almost t he only a griculturists, beca me gallingto th e rich w ool-mercha nt s of Norwich, a nd a bloody fight h a d been t he result. Thea gita tion had , however, worked deeper down; a nd a low er stra tum of society w a s inprocess of uphea va l. In t he grea t in surr ection of 1381 the Fren ch Revolution ha d

been w ell-nigh a nt icipat ed. Tw o element s of str ife w ere at w ork, a nd ea ch affectedNorw ich. First there w a s t he rebellion of labour a ga inst property . The a w fulvisitat ion of th e B lack Dea th ha d carr ied off a va st proportion of the ill-fed,comfortless villains. The result w a s a great rise in w a ges, w hich P a rliamenta tt empted to keep down by legislat ion. This produced a long str ike among t helabourers, w ho fled from t he uncultivat ed fields a nd flocked into th e towns. Fromone single manor, tha t of Cossey, no fewer t ha n eighteen villains in one year fled t oNorwich; out of th ese eight received their freedom on t he plea of th eir ha ving ha d adomicile for a year a nd a da y. This occurred earlier in th e century, but by J uliana 'stime hundreds must thus h a ve been tur ned into free ma nufa cturers instea d of serfs.In th a t one city th ere were congr egat ed a ll the conflicting elements of society -- th erich Abbey, the w ealth y mercha nt , the Flemish ma nufa cturer a nd t he freed serf.This of itself, however, might h a ve been insufficient t o ra ise the storm if it ha d notbeen for a ca use to which I h a ve adverted. The increasing a nd ruinous luxury of thenobles produced a grind ing oppression of th e poor. This ha d a lw a ys been conta inedin th e bosom of feuda lism. In t ha t sy stem t hose wh o were not possessors of land, t hevilla ins a nd t he serfs, ha d but lit t le to trust t o but t he conscience of their lord a ndthe customs w hich r egula ted t heir services. As long as the lord ha d compar a tivelysimple wa nts, t he serf wa s less oppressed. B ut w hen a licentious court showed anexample of prodigality, the infection spread through the whole of the feudalhiera rchy. The knight st ill swore to defend th e poor a nd t he oppressed, but w hen hew a nted money for his multiplied needs, th e tempta tion to wring it out of the vassa lw a s too strong t o be resisted. Here a ga in w e ha ve a cloud of witn esses from all sides.

The evil ha d begun ear lier in Fr a nce. " The order of knighth ood," sa ys J a mes of Vitr yin a sermon, " is n ow -a -da ys in ma ny cases corrupt; th ey use their st rength likefurious madm en. Many ha rry th eir va ssals by cor ves, as t hey a re ca lled, an d givethem no brea d to ea t . " 29"L et the serf be too ha ppy th a t I h a ve left him h is ca lf andspared his life, " sa id a nobleman , wh o ha d carried off a poor ma n's cow. Mat ters ha dbecome ten t imes worse at th e period of wh ich w e ar e wr iting. The w orld ha d lessconscience, and t here a re fewer stories on record of the signa l punishment of th eoppressor. " J a cques B onhomme w ill not pull out his purse unless you beat him, butJ a cques B onhomme w ill pull out h is purse beca use he will be bea ten," wa s th ecommon talk.30J a cques B onhomme took a fear ful revenge. The horrible rebellion ofth e J a cquerie w a s the result . In E ngla nd it took a longer t ime to stir up theseelement s of horror. There wa s a better feeling am ongst us, an d t he Commons in th e

G ood P a rliament presented a petit ion for a law to forbid the lords of th e demesnesto exercise sovereign a uthority by t a xing th e villa in.31The king a nsw ered tha t hew ould a ct a s seemed good to him. The an sw er cost E ngla nd a civil w a r. Six yearslat er London wa s in the ha nds of Wa t Tyler at the head of the Kentish serfs, andth e blood of th e Archbishop of Ca nt erbury st a ined th e streets of the city . Menperpetra ted horrible crimes, but t hey w ere maddened by a n un just t a x, levied byofficials w ho insulted the honour of those w ho were nearest a nd dea rest to th em.

29Cha i r e Fr anai se, 357.30Longman's Li fe of Edw ardI I I, ii, 24.31Ibid., 259.


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Here aga in Norw ich w a s in the midst of the fight. A dyer of Norw ich w a s at th ehead of th e pea sa nts, a nd its B ishop, of th e noble house of Spencer, in full arm our,w ith a few la ncers, rode a nd hewed down t he insurgents, a nd a rrested their leader.While a ll these horrors w ere enacted at the city ga tes, J uliana w a s lea ding her lifeof mira culous pra yer. Amidst deca ying chivalry a nd cha otic revolt t he sa ints of G odw ere suffering. It is rema rka ble tha t on the sa me blood-sta ined flat s of Norfolk, over

w hich formerly, in quieter t imes, St Wa lsta n, of the royal h ouse of Cedric, haddriven the plough a s a poor la bourer, now in t his most tr oubled centur y, a n E nglishpeasa nt m aiden, J an e the Meat less, wa s a doring and loving the Blessed Sa cram ent ,w hich for ma ny yea rs w a s almost her only food.

Int o th is witch's ca uldron wa s thrown a nother ingredient. Up to this t ime Europeca n ha rdly be said t o have given birth to an indigenous heresy. Such errors a s th oseof B erenga rius a nd G ilbert de la P ore were chiefly confined to the schools, an d onlya ffected t he lait y in a compar a tively sma ll degree. Heresies of the Albigensian cla ssw ere th e descenda nts of G nostics a nd Ma nichees.32P ublic opinion w a s a gainstthem, and the very jongleurs in their songs satirized the Vaudois. We find, however,in t he fourteenth century the beginning of a distinct revolt of the cultivat ed class

a ga inst C hristia nity. They a re alrea dy n umerous enough t o fill the sixth circle ofDa nt e's Hell. In t he ca se of Fredrick II it w a s still possible to refer his scepticism tow ha t ha s been well ca lled G hibelline culture. But now out of the dismal t ombs a risea t once spirits w ho belonged to both t he great pa rties of the time. Farina ta w a s aG hibelline, Ca valcan te wa s a G uelph. Hitherto Englan d ha d been singularly freefrom int ellectua l revolts a ga inst the C hurch. The Dominica n a uthor of the " AncrenRiwle" tha nks G od th at Engla nd is free from heresy. In Mother J ulian a 's t ime,however, the la nd w a s sta ined with na tive error. It is to the disgra ce of Wycliffe tha tw hile he ta ught doctrines w hich, notwit hsta nding his disclaimers, struck at t he rootof a ll property , he played int o the ha nds of th e part y of the ra pacious nobles, head edby t he Duke of Lan ca ster. The citizens of London rose in d isgust a ga inst t he priestw ho insulted their bishop and w a s protected by the ma n w ho wa s the defender of

a buses, wh ich t he B la ck Pr ince rose from his bed of deat h t o oppose in his place inParliament. We have not, however, anything to do with Wycliffe's social views. Imust a dvert to the speculat ive part of his system in order to cont ra st it w ith t ha t ofth e recluse of Norwich, for th ere is sometim es a coincidence of la ngua ge wh ichmight deceive th e unw a ry. L itt le do th ey know of Wycliffe wh o look upon him a s asort of modern E va ngelical beca use he tra nsla ted th e bible a nd a bused themendica nt Ord ers. Tha t he w a s a morning-sta r of th e Reforma tion we ha ve nodifficulty in a llowing, a fit t ing L ucifer for such a da y. Some wr iters ha ve connectedhim w ith Ockha m, beca use Merton College ha d th e honour of producing both. Inpoint of fact, th e tw o doctors were a t t he very opposite extremes of th e poles ofschola stic thought. Wycliffe identifies n omina lism w ith heresy a nd held realism inits most intrepid form. "We meet in him," sa ys a P rotestan t w riter, "w ith elementsw hich in t heir logica l evolution would have led to Pa nt heism." Wha t t hey did leadto, according to the sam e auth ority, w a s "a denial of free-w ill" in G od and ma n. Soth oroughly and a bsolutely did he identify in G od th e idea a nd t he fact , the order ofth ought a nd t he order of being, th a t h e denies to G od the conception of a ny possibleth ings beyond w ha t is or w ill be actua l. Thus creation, present or future, is themea sure of G od's omnipotence. The old meta physica l bull-dog of the Nort h count ry,

32It is true th at Malespina mentions Epicurean s (Murat ori, 8, 933), even in the C ountess Ma tilda's

t ime, but t here seem to ha ve been heretics of a n older t ype to whom Ma lespina gives a na me more

familiar to himself.


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the " quida m B orealis" of Wa lsingha m, hung on with a ll his teeth t o his premisses,in spite of the immora lity of the conclusion. God, accordin g to him, w a s neith er morenor less free in t he creat ion of the w orld th a n in t he genera tion of the S on. I neednot say t ha t th is is direct P a nth eism, since it ma kes the universe a n ecessary pa rtof G od. Wycliffe saw a nd w a s not sca red by the fea rful dan ger of throwing t hecausa lity of evil upon G od. He tries t o escape from it, indeed, by the scholast ic view

tha t sin is but a negat ion, a nd t herefore ca nnot be the object of the D ivine ideas.B ut he did not fear t o sa y tha t a ll things ha ppen by absolute necessity. 33

"Accordingly a ll sin appea rs t o him a necessary th ing; all is required in order t o thebea uty of the universe." This might ha ve appea red at first sight a s unint elligiblenonsense, but it ha s borne a m ost bitt er fruit . Unfortuna tely a good deal of w ha tsome a re inclined t o dismiss a s meta physica l subtlety leads t o endless misery, a ndturn s t o very intelligible blasphemy. The slightest a cqua inta nce with the schoolmenw ill ena ble us to see th a t Wycliffe's views a re an a uda cious perversion of schola sticprinciples. His denia l of possible things in G od is a sh a meless use of St Thoma s's"Actus P urus," a nd his t heory of evil a st ill more sha meless a buse of the view th a tsin is a defect not a substa nce.

We are now in a condition to show how groundless is th e notion t ha t MotherJ ulia na 's expressions in the least im ply a t endency to th e errors of Wycliffe. Bothfact a nd doctrine render such a notion preposterous. It so ha ppens tha t w e haveWa lsingham 's testimony th a t " Fa ith a nd religion remained inviolat e in t he dioceseof Norw ich." The ma rtia l prelate w hom we met just now t hrea tened to burn a nyLollard w hom he ca ught, a nd w ould, with out d oubt, ha ve kept his w ord. The reclusew a s under ecclesiast ica l jurisdiction, an d w a s t oo mar ked a person to esca pe if herw orks ha d ha d a really Wycliffite tendency. Furth ermore, her tender devotion to ourLa dy, h er reverence for t he sa int s, her very m ode of life rendered it impossible.Wycliffe denied th e necessity of confession, calls t he can onizat ion of sa int sblasphemous, an d enclosure wit hin st one w a lls a r esult of " t he cursed spirit offa lsehood." The only passa ges wh ich w ould lend a colour t o such a n imput a tion on

th e recluse a re those w hich w e have alrea dy quoted, and others 34w hich implystrong views a bout predestina tion, the impossibility of th e ultima te fa ll of t he elect,a nd t he loving car e of G od for t he souls of th e elect if t hey fa ll into sin. All thesecoincidences only sh ow how deeply th e minds of men w ere stirred, since we findviews on t hese subjects in t he very cell of the recluse. It w ould be simple ignoran ceto suppose th a t s uch th oughts w ere confined to Wycliffe, an d could only be derivedfrom him. B radw ardine ha d a lready made them fam iliar . How fa r even th e popula rmind w a s tossed a bout by q uestions of free-will a nd gra ce is plain from th e fact tha tin Ch a ucer the Nun's Pr iest m entions B ra dw a rdine's book; an d t he existence ofth ese disputes is thus r eferred to as w ell-know n t o an a ssembly such as t ha t w hichcomposed the C a nterbury P ilgrims, to mine host of the Ta bard , to the miller a nd t hereeve.

Wha t ha s a lready been proved cont ra ry t o fact can still be show n t o be impossible bya compa rison of doctr ine. The few coincidences betw een Moth er J ulian a a ndWycliffe a re am ong t he ma ny proofs tha t t he sa me speculat ive view often mean sdifferent t hings in different syst ems. Both S t Augustine, Ca lvin and Ma homet

33Nean der, vol. ix, p. 241, B ohn's edition. H e a ppends t he followin g note, " Among t he forty-five

a rticles at tribut ed to Wycliffe, the proposition, 'Omnia de necessita te a bsolute eveniunt ,' might justly

be condemned a s one actually belonging to him." Nea nder is my a uthority th roughout, for I a m not

acqua inted w ith Wycliffe's w rit ings.34For inst a nce, p. 131.


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believe in P redestinat ion, yet a n Augustinian is something ut terly different from aScotch Ca meronia n or a Ma hometa n. The same w ords mea n different t hings in th emouth s of different people. The idea w hich run s th rough t he w hole of Moth erJ uliana is th e very contr a dictory of Wycliffe's P a nth eistic Necesita na rian ism, Themoment tha t a ma n believes in a ny rea l sense in a loving G od he ceases to be aP a nt heist . It is not enough to believe in a beneficent spirit , for un iversa l

benevolence ma y be a blind impulse, but sin ce love is a free gift of self, a spirit w hocan love is free, an d a being w ho is free is a t once persona l.35The very ba sis,however, a nd t he essence of Mother J uliana 's views a re her belief in t he lovingnessof G od. Few since th e beginn ing of Ch rist ia nit y ha ve spoken of the love of G od liketh is En glish recluse. After t he a gony of th e bla ck nigh t of sin, her only consolat ion isto plunge int o the great a byss of God's love. "Thus J esus Chr ist , th a t does gooda ga in evil, is our very Mother. We ha ve our being of Him, w here th e ground ofMotherhood beginneth, with all the sweet keeping of love that endlessly followeth.As verily as G od is our Fa ther, a s verily is God our Mother; and t ha t showeth He ina ll; a nd na mely in th ese sw eet w ords there He sa ith, 'I it a m,' th a t is to say, 'I it a m,th e might a nd th e goodness of the Fat herhead; I it a m, the wisdom and t he kindness

of the Moth erhead; I it a m, the light a nd t he grace tha t is a ll blessed love; I it a m,th e Trinity; I it a m, the U nity; I it a m, the high sovereign goodness of a ll man nerth ings; I it a m th a t ma keth thee to long; I it a m, the endless fulfilling of all truedesires. ' Our high Fa th er, Almighty G od, which is being, H e knoweth us a nd lovedus from before a ny time. Of wh ich knowing in H is full deep ma rvellous char ity, byth e far-seeing endless counsel of all th e blessed Trinit y, H e would th a t t he SecondP erson should become our Moth er, our B rother, a nd our S a viour. Whereof itfolloweth tha t a s verily a s G od is our Fa th er, verily G od is our Mother. " In a perfectra pture of love, she goes on, " Our kind M other, our gra cious Moth er, for H e woulda ll wh ole become our Moth er in a ll thin gs; He t ook th e ground of His w ork full lowa nd full mildly in the ma iden's womb. In th is low pla ce He arra yed Him, a nd dightH im a ll read y in our poor flesh, H imself to do th e service an d t he office of

Motherhea d in a ll things. We wit t ha t a ll our mothers bea r us to pain a nd to dying,w ha t is th a t but our very Mother J esus? He a lone bea reth us to joy a nd to endlessliving, blessed mote He be. Thus H e susta ined us with Him, in pain a nd t ra va il,unt o th e full t ime tha t H e would suffer th e sha rpest th orns a nd grievous pains th a tever w ere or sha ll be, an d died at the la st . And w hen He ha d done and so borne usto bliss, yet m ight n ot a ll this suffice to His m a rvellous love. And tha t He sh ow ed inth ese high ever-pas sing w ords of love, 'If I might suffer more, I w ould suffer more.'H e might n o more die, but H e would not stin t w orking. Wherefore Him behoveth t ofeed us, for the dea r-w orthy love of motherh ood ha th ma de Him d ebtor to us. Themother m a y give her child t o suck her milk; but our precious Mother J esus, He ma yfeed us w ith H imself an d doth full continuously an d tenderly wit h th e BlessedSa cra ment. This is precious food of very life, a nd w ith a ll the sw eet sa crament He

susta ineth us full mercifully a nd gr a ciously. And so H e meant in t hese blessedwords, when He sa id, 'I i t am tha t H oly Church preacheth thee and t eacheth th ee. 'Tha t is to say, all the health a nd life of the sacram ents, all the virtue and t he graceof my w ord, a ll the goodness th a t is orda ined in Holy Chur ch t o thee, I it a m.' The

35"We premise this , tha t w hen we a tt r ibute Personality to G od, we intend to asseverate of Him

nothing else tha n th a t H e is a B eing (Wesen) separa ted from a ll other existence (Sein), self-

subsisting, self-conscious, and free." -- Kleutgen, Theologie, i, 229. In other words, though freedomdoes not constitute Personality, yet every free intellectual being must be personal. Thus, because the

Sa cred Huma nity wa s free , it must i pso factohave possessed a personality, i .e., since it ha d none ofits own, t ha t of the D ivine Word.


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mother ma y lay her child tenderly to her breast ; but our tender Mother J esus Hema y homely lea d us int o His blessed by His sw eet open side, and show us t here inpart y of the Godhead. And th a t showeth H e in th e nint h Revelat ion, giving thesa me understa nding in H is sweet w ord w hen H e saith , 'Lo how I love thee. '" 36Thisis th e key-note of her w hole book, th e solution of all her doubts. S he a tt empts n oreasoning, an d ha s no logica l a nsw er to her difficulties. Sh e simply plunges into th e

depths of G od's love. "There I w a s lear ned t ha t I should only enjoy in our blessedSa viour J esus, a nd tr ust in Him for all things. And th us our good Lord answ ered toa ll questions and doubts tha t I might ma ke, saying full comforta bly: ' I ma y ma keall things w ell , and I can ma ke all things w ell , and I shall ma ke all things w ell , andI w ill make all things well, and thou shalt see thyself tha t a l l manner of things shallbe well." This, a fter a ll, is th e sole refuge of poor huma nit y. Yet it is not a meresentiment. It is based on a deep view of G od's great a tt ributes. God is not m erely abenevolent being. Sh e distinguish es His pity from H is love. Down in t he depths ofHis eternity t here has been a longing, wh ich she ca lls "a ghostly thirst , " a " love-longing." 37"F or a s truly a s there is a property (a tt ribute) in G od of ruth a nd pity, asverily t here is a property in G od of thirst a nd longing. And t his property of longing

a nd thirst cometh of the endless goodness of God; right a s t he property of pitycometh of His endless goodness; an d t hough He ha ve longing a nd pity, t hey a resundry properties (different a tt ributes) a s t o my sight . "

P ut t his side by side with Wycliffe's deep grow l at a buses rat her th a n sin, hishea ven of bra ss, a nd h is iron destiny; it looks like a nd is a different religion. Notonly th e feeling which actua tes, but the intellectua l basis wh ich a nima tes it is thedirect cont ra diction of his w hole system. S he belongs t o the genuine school ofEn glish mystics wh ich w e ha ve pointed out. Her love for J esus is of th e same kinda s th a t found in t he " Ancren Riw le." The superna tura l event s of her life remind usof w ha t h a s been often thought t o be peculiar t o Continent a l devotion. Here is apoor English recluse, wh o ha s visions n ot unw orthy of being read by t he side ofth ose of her great cont emporary, S t C a therine of Siena . This is a phase of English

mediaeval life which we lit t le suspected. J uliana is a recluse very different from t hecreat ures of the ima ginat ion of writ ers on compar a tive mora ls. So far from being cutoff from sympa thy w ith h er kind, her mind is t enderly a nd delica tely a live to everycha nge in t he spir itua l a t mosphere of Englan d. Every storm wa s felt w ith a nelectric shock th rough h er inmost being. The ear th qua ke council ma de th e cell ofth e poor recluse rock to a nd fr o as violently a s t he st ones of old S t P a ul's. The fourw a lls of her na rrow home seem to be rent a nd torn a sunder, and n ot only Engla nd,but C hristendom a ppears before her view.38It w a s not the crucifix which ca mebefore her in h er visions, but the very form of the crucified J esus, "w ith t heplent eous bleeding of the hea d, th e great drops of blood falling down from under t hega rlan d of thorns." And th is wa s seen a t Norwich, th e English Manchester of thefourteenth century, w hen Cr essy an d P oitiers were still fresh in men's minds, a ndthe B lack P rince wa s lying sick at B erkha mpstead. At th at t ime England ha d notsepa ra ted itself from th e grea t st ream of Christia n life.

A furt her proof th e int ima te conn ection betw een the spiritua l an d socia l life ofEn glan d is furnished us by th e history of th e rema rka ble trea tise to w hich th is

36P . 149.37P. 67.38How a ccessible were an choresses to th e influence of the outer w orld is proved by t he curious fact

tha t th e last an choress of Ca rrow wa s actua lly perverted by B ilney, and t urned P rotesta nt in 1530. --

Blomfield, p. 145.


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Essa y serves a s a n intr oduction. The precise time wh en it wa s actua lly writt en isunknown ; a l l tha t is certa in is tha t t he "S cale of P erfect ion" must ha ve been w rit tenbefore 1395, w hen its a uth or died. As J ulia na 's book w a s w rit ten in 1370, it is plaintha t t here ca nnot ha ve been a ny gr eat difference in da te between th e composition ofthe tw o w orks. It t ells much for th e spiritua l life of Engla nd th a t in th e fourteenthcentury such a trea tise as t he "S ca le of P erfection" should ha ve been w ritt en. It is,

however, to the subsequent h istory of the book tha t I wish t o point ra th er tha n to itsorigin; it so ha ppens t ha t t he period ass igned for th e commencement of Wa lterH ilton's influence coincides with th a t of th e close of Mother J ulian a 's life.39U nlikeMother J uliana 's book, wh ich r emained compar a tively unknown, Wa lter H ilton'strea tise evidently h a d a w ide circulat ion. The number of existing ma nuscriptssca tt ered thr ough va rious ca th edral a nd other librar ies bea r wit ness to itspopularity . I t wa s tra nslated into Lat in by a Ca rmelite early in t he f if teenthcentury. I t w as high in repute with th e Cart husians, and t his in i tself is a guara nteeof its being extensively r ead. No order w a s so respected in E ngla nd a nd otherTeutonic countries as the Carthusian. Those who speak most mournfully of the badsta te of Christ endom just before the Reforma tion, alwa ys ma ke a n honoura ble

exception of th e sons of St B run o. They w ere spiritua l directors of Gera rd G root inth e Low Countries, an d of Colet, More an d Fisher in E nglan d. One of th eir especialemployments w a s th e tra nsla tion an d propaga tion of good spiritual books, as w eknow from Sur ius, through whom Ta uler a nd H enry Suso were mad e known t o theChurch in a La t in dress. Wa lter H ilton wa s the favourite aut hor of Ma rgaret ,Countess of Richmond, th e spiritua l child of Fisher. The a rt of printing w a s a s yet inits infa ncy wh en the " Scale of P erfection" w a s a t once printed in black lett er byWynky n de Worde, a nd oth er editions ra pidly a ppea red. This, th en, is theremar kable fat e of th is book. A trea tise on t he spiritua l life, originally w ritt en by a nobscure aut hor in a sma ll house of Augustinia n Ca nons in Nott ingha mshire an da ddr essed to the most solita ry of all th e var ieties of mona stic life, is chosen to be th eguide of good C hristia ns in the courts of kings a nd in th e world. Throughout the

disma l wa rs of the Roses, a nd th e more dismal reign of Henry VIII , man y a h eartw a s str ength ened an d consoled by Wa lter H ilton. The very copy still exists w hichmust ha ve been in t he han ds of the martyred C art husians, the glow from w hosepallid faces lit up th e cell of Sir Thomas More as he ga zed dow n a t t hem a s th eyw ere dra gged on the hu rdle to execution. The selfsam e book w a s to be found in th epala ce of th e moth er of Henr y VII. H ow she loved it, th e rude lines in Wynky n deWorde's edit ion w ill test ify:

Thi s heavenl y book mor e pr ecious than gol d,Was lat ely di rected w it h great humi l i ty,For godl y pl easur e th er ein to beholdU n to the r i ght , noble M ar gar et, as ye see,

The Ki ng's M oth er of excell ent boun ty,H ar r y th e Sevent h, th at J esus him pr eser ve,Th is mi ghty Pri ncess hath comm anded m eT ' i mp r i nt th is book h er grace for t o deser ve.

Now , a ll this is very w orth y of remark. H ere is a book w ritt en for a recluse, yetprint ed a nd recommended a s a book of devotion, not for t he cloister, but for goodCh ristia ns in th e world. This is quite a new featur e, a nd points a t once to fact th a tth a t t he interior life wa s sprea ding in En glan d. Wha t is th e significa nce of this fact?

39B lomfield, 546. All tha t is known is t ha t she w as alive in 1443, but w as a hundred years old. She

ha d tw o servants to wa it upon her.


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En ough ha s been a lready sa id to show tha t t he religious life of the Middle Ages wa snot the forma l ritua lism which ma ny ha ve supposed. G erman schola rs ha ve done ava st d eal t o de