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Lexico-Morphological Idiosyncrasies 1 COMPARATISTICA LEXICO-MORPHOLOGICAL IDIOSYNCRASIES OF ROMANIAN AS COMPARED WITH EUROPEAN ROMANCE AND GERMANIC LANGUAGES. SIMILARITIES AND CONTRASTS (I): THE VERB IDENTITATEA LEXICALĂ ŞI MORFOLOGICĂ A LIMBII ROMÂNE ÎN CONTEXTUL MULTILINGVISTIC EUROPEAN. CONSONANŢE ŞI DISONANŢE (I): VERBUL edited by Gina Măciucă Ştefan cel Mare University Press 2011

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  • Lexico-Morphological Idiosyncrasies

    1

    COMPARATISTICA

    LEXICO-MORPHOLOGICAL IDIOSYNCRASIESOF ROMANIAN AS COMPARED WITH

    EUROPEAN ROMANCE AND GERMANICLANGUAGES. SIMILARITIES AND CONTRASTS

    (I): THE VERB

    IDENTITATEA LEXICAL I MORFOLOGICA LIMBII ROMNE N CONTEXTUL

    MULTILINGVISTIC EUROPEAN.CONSONANE I DISONANE

    (I): VERBUL

    edited byGina Mciuc

    tefan cel Mare University Press2011

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    General editorand series coordinator Gina Mciuc

    Scientific advisers Albumia Mugura Constantinescu (Romania),Gina Mciuc (Romania), Ioan Oprea (Romania), Elena BrnduaSteiciuc (Romania), Pavel Stekauer (Slovakia), Cristina SurezGmez (Spain), Carla Vergaro (Italy), Hans Wellmann (Germany)

    The present research is part of an ongoing project (PN II IDEIprogramme, code 237) sponsored by the Romanian National Councilfor Scientific Research in Academic Education (CNCSIS)

    Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a RomnieiLexico-morphological idiosyncrasies of romanian as compared

    with european romance and germanic languages : similaritiesand contrasts = Identitatea lexical i morfologic a limbiiromne n contextul multilingvistic european : consonane idisonane /

    Mciuc Gina, Oprea Ioan, Seiciuc Lavinia, .... Suceava Editura Universitii "tefan cel Mare", 2011. - 2 vol.ISBN 978-973-666-365-9

    Vol. 1. : The verb = Verbul. - 2011. - Bibliogr.. ISBN 978-973-666-366-6I. Mciuc, GinaII. Oprea, IoanIII. Seiciuc, Lavinia811.135.1

    Copyright (C) 2011 tefan cel Mare University Press Suceava

    Cover design Lavinia IenceanuCover montage Lavinia Ienceanu, Rodica Cpitan

    Typeset and printed in Romania by ROF IMP SRL SuceavaStr. Mreti 7 A, tel. 0230 523476

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    Gina Mciuc (ed.)

    LEXICO-MORPHOLOGICAL IDIOSYNCRASIESOF ROMANIAN AS COMPARED WITH

    EUROPEAN ROMANCE AND GERMANICLANGUAGES. SIMILARITIES AND CONTRASTS

    I: THE VERB

    Gina MciucIoan Oprea

    Lavinia SeiciucCtlina Pnzariu

    Victor Andrei CrcleRamona Pohoa

    Daniela Sbiera

    Inter Litteras Research Centretefan cel Mare University Suceava

    tefan cel Mare University Press2011

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  • Lexico-Morphological Idiosyncrasies

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    CONTENTS

    ForewordI. Preliminary Remarks A/BII. Distinctive Features of voice, aspect and tense asExhibited by the Five Languages under ScrutinyA. EnglishB. DeutschC. ItalianoD. EspaolE. RomnIII. Anglo-German Rivalries: an Attempt at Charting theDrift-Away from the Common Ancestor and Accounting forDissimilar Spread PatternsIV. An Attempt at Charting Morphosyntactic Changes byTracing Romance Languages back to LatinV. Highlighting Similarities and Contrasts betweenRomance and Germanic Languages in Terms of VerbGrammar with a Major Focus on RomanianReferences

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    INHALTSVERZEICHNIS

    Vorwort.Vorbemerkungen A/B

    I. Individuelles Profil der einzelnen grammatischenKategorien in den fnf untersuchten Sprachen: Genus verbi,Aktionsart und TempusA. EnglischB. DeutschC. ItalianoD. EspaolE. RomnII. berschneidungen im Deutschen und Englischen: derGrad der Abweichung von der Grundsprache und mglicheBegrndung fr die Unterschiede im VerbreitungsgebietIII. Vom Lateinischen zu den romanischen Sprachen:allgemeine Tendenzen des morphosysntaktischen WandelsIV. berschneidungen und Unterschiede zwischen denromanischen und germanischen Sprachen in derVerbgrammatik unter besonderen Bercksichtigung desRumnischenAllgemeines Literaturverzeichnis

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    CONTENUTO

    IntroduzioneI. Osservazioni preliminariII. Profilo individuale delle categorie grammaticali: diatesi(voce), aspetto e tempo nelle cinque lingue:A. EnglishB. DeutschC. ItalianoD. EspaolE. RomnIII. Interferenze anglo-tedesche: il grado di cambiamentodalla lingua base e le possibili cause di questo sfasamentonelle zone di diffusioneIV. Dal latino alle lingue romanze: tendenze generali delcambiamento morfo-sintatticoV. Somiglianze e differenze fra le lingue romanze e quellegermaniche nella grammatica del verbo. Relazioni specialicon le situazioni del romenoBibliografia generale

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    NDICE

    PrembuloI. Observaciones previasII. Perfil individual de las categoras gramaticales ditesis,aspecto y tiempo en las cinco lenguas investigadasA. EnglishB. DeutschC. ItalianoD. EspaolE. RomnIII. Interferencias anglo-alemanas: grado de desvo frente ala lengua-base y causas posibles del desfase en el rea dedifusinIV. Del latn a las lenguas romnicas: tendencias generalesde los cambios morfosintcticosV. Concordancias y diferencias entre las lenguasromnicas y las lenguas germnicas en la gramtica delverbo. Referencias particulares a las situaciones del rumanoBibliografa general

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    PREFA

    Dei abordrilor interdisciplinare li se acord n ultimultimp importana cuvenit, pe msura rolului lor decisiv nidentificarea unor noi valene n cadrul disciplinelorindividuale, domeniul lingvisticii contrastive rmne, dinnefericire, unul spre care cercetarea riguros tiinific sendreapt mult prea rar, iar atunci cnd o face, se limiteaz deobicei la investigarea unui numr de dou, cel mult trei limbi.

    Iniiatorii proiectului de cercetare exploratorieIDENTITATEA LEXICAL I MORFOLOGIC A LIMBIIROMNE N CONTEXTUL MULTILINGVISTIC EUROPEAN.CONSONANE I DISONANE (Programul IDEI) au nvedere elaborarea unei miniserii, mai precis a primelor volumedin cadrul unei serii mai extinse de gramatic contrastivfocaliznd un spectru amplu, compus din patru limbi de largcirculaie european (engleza, germana, italiana, spaniola),crora li se adaug, n mod natural, limba romn. Fideliimperativului pragmatic al comunicrii rapide i eficiente,cercettorii suceveni i propun s investigheze n primele douvolume un corpus lingvistic constituit din clasele morfologiceale verbului i substantivului elemente cheie ale oricruienun. n cadrul fiecrui volum, capitolul al doilea este alocatprezentrii la nivel de microanaliz a profilurilormorfosintactice specifice categoriei gramaticale investigate dinfiecare limb, cu o privire la final de subcapitol asupraidiosincraziilor identificate.

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    Convingndu-se pe baza propriei experiene dobndite ncalitate de student, i apoi doctorand a UniversitiiAl.I.Cuza din Iai, i, mai ales - sub ndrumarea reputatuluispecialist n comparatistic, Prof. dr. Kurt Rein -, n cea debursier DAAD a Universitii Ludwig Maximillian dinMnchen, Germania, de superioritatea abordrii contrastive nstudiul limbilor fa de metodologia tradiional, directoareaprezentului proiect a condus pe cont propriu un experiment deabordare comparatist n cadrul unei serii de cursuri degramatic i frazeologie predate studenilor din dou grupe cuperformane similare de la secia englez-german a Facultiide Litere i tiine ale Comunicrii din cadrul Universitiisucevene. Ulterior, titulara cursului a efectuat un sondaj deopinie n rndul studenilor din eantionul experimental, sondajcare i-a ntrit convingerea c abordarea contrastiv este privitfavorabil ca un factor de optimizare a logicii lingvistice.

    Cu volumul de fa, Centrul de Cercetare Inter Litterasdeschide seria tiinific Comparatistica, coordonat dedirectoarea amintitului proiect. Pe lng cei ai editurii, volumulare ca refereni tiinifici din strintate specialiti reputai ndomeniu precum Prof. Carla Vergaro, de la Departamentul deLimbi Antice, Moderne i Comparate al Universitii dinPerugia, Italia, Prof. Cristina Surez-Gmez, de laDepartamentul de Filologie Spaniol, Modern i Latin alUniversitii din Insulele Baleare, Spania, Prof. Pavel Stekauer,de la Departamentul de Anglistic al Universitii farik dinKoice, Slovacia i Prof. em. dr. dr.h.c. Hans Wellmann, de laDepartamentul de Germanistic al Universitii din Augsburg,Germania.

    Cap. 1 prezint argumentele n baza crora s-a operat,pe de o parte, selecia parametrilor gramaticali, recte a claseimorfologice i a categoriilor gramaticale investigate, iar pe dealta, a parametrilor idiomatici, mai precis a corpusului lingvisticpropriu-zis, reprezentat de cele cinci limbi supuse cercetrii.

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    Demersul tiinific debuteaz n Cap. 2 cu microanalizaprofilurilor morfosintactice specifice categoriei gramaticale nfiecare limb, pentru a cunoate apoi o rafinare vizibil nCapitolele 3 i 4, de germanistic i romanistic, cu omacroanaliz final de identificare a consonanelor i disonanelordintre cele dou familii lingvistice, pe de o parte, i de trasare areperelor identitare pentru limba romn, pe de alta, n ultimulcapitol.

    Dei volumele se adreseaz n principal unui segmentde cititori avizai care activeaz cu preponderen n mediulacademic (cercettori, universitari, studeni, masteranzi,doctoranzi, specialiti cu experien sau n formare - n unasau mai multe dintre limbile investigate, n romanistic saugermanistic), ele vizeaz n egal msur i connoisseuriipreuniversitari, recte profesorii i elevii din nvmntul liceal,ndeosebi cei de la profilul filologic cu predare intensiv alimbilor strine.

    n scopul mbuntirii indicelui de adresabilitate,echipa de cercettori suceveni i propune desfurarea uneicampanii active de promovare a produsului cercetrii i,implicit, a avantajelor abordrii contrastive n studiul limbilor,de propunere a unei reconfigurri a ariei curriculare i delrgire a spectrului disciplinelor predate n cadrul acesteia, prininiierea de dezbateri i mese rotunde cu participarea unuinumr ct mai mare de cadre didactice universitare ipreuniversitare, studeni i elevi. Tot n vederea ameliorriiimpactului i asigurarea unui feed-back relevant i util unoreventuale ediii revizuite, iniiatorii proiectului preconizeazdesfurarea acestui tip de ntlniri cu publicul cititor attnainte, ct i, mai ales, dup efectuarea unei lecturi atente iexigente, specificndu-se de la bun nceput deschiderea spreorice recomandri i criterii riguros fundamentate i care sedoresc utile rafinrii demersului tiinific.

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    Prin mobilitile proiectate a se desfura ulterior,aceast cretere a indicelui de adresabilitate din perspectivdiastratic va fi nsoit, n egal msur, i de o lrgire asegmentului de lectori la nivel diatopic, prin aceea c volumelevor prezenta un interes deosebit i pentru cercettorii, cadreledidactice universitare i preuniversitare, doctoranzii,masteranzii, studenii i elevii din strintate, vorbitorii nativiai uneia dintre limbile de circulaie european investigate,echipa de cercetare preconiznd organizarea unor ntlniri cupublicul avizat, similare celor descrise mai sus, att n centreleacademice europene implicate n proiect ct i n alte universitipartenere ale instituiei sucevene de nvmnt superior.

    Contieni de faptul c cercetarea lor reprezint doarvrful unui imens iceberg, universitarii suceveni i propun,odat cu publicarea acestui prim volum din miniserie,monitorizarea permanent a impactului proiectului n lumeaacademic, n genere, i, n spe, a cercetrii comparatiste,prin lansarea unui apel, n spaiul virtual, la colaborare cupropuneri de noi instrumente, strategii i direcii de investigaresau prezentri ale rezultatelor propriilor cercetri n domeniu.

    Obiectivul fundamental al acestei miniserii degramatic contrastiv rmne ns, indiscutabil aa cumindic i titlul definirea identitii limbii romne n contextulplurilingvismului european, i, implicit, prin reliefareasimilitudinilor cu limbile europene investigate, stimulareainteresului vorbitorilor acestor limbi ca i a utilizatorilor lor,n egal msur pentru nvarea i aprofundarea limbiiromne, i, prin intermediul ei, dobndirea accesului la valorileculturale remarcabile ale poporului care o vorbete, ntregulproces avnd ca rezultat creterea prestigiului naional.

    Gina Mciuc

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    I. A PRELIMINARY REMARKS

    I.B OBSERVAII PRELIMINARE

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    CONTENTS /CUPRINS

    I. A Preliminary Remarks ...................................I.1 What Set the Ball Rolling .................................I.2 What Sets the Present Research off ..................I.3 Setting the Stage for Future Research ..............I.B Observaii preliminare ..................................I.1 Obiectivul principal al cercetrii ......................I.2 Noutatea tiinific, originalitatea i utilitatea

    practic a cercetrii ......................................................I.3 Dificulti de ordin tiinific ntmpinate ..........I.4 Cteva precizri referitoare la spaiul mai

    amplu alocat unor capitole ..........................................

    151618212324

    2529

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    I.A PRELIMINARY REMARKS

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    I.1 What Set the Ball Rolling

    The social evolution of zoon politikon throughouthistory and, more particularly in recent days, that of theEuropean homo sapiens at the outset of the third millenniumhas brought in its wake the switch-over from an intraidiomaticto an interidiomatic modus vivendi, in other words fromliving-within-a-language to living-between-the-languages.This is precisely where contrastive linguistics - a provincewhich both Romanian and international research have keptaway from for too long - comes into its own.

    Though not even remotely familiar at the time withcomparative approaches, the editor of this volume - who is alsothe originator and director of the project, of which the presentresearch is an integral part - took up studying contrastively thegrammar of English and German - i.e. the languages she latermajored and minored in respectively - on her own, as early asher 3rd year as a university student, in the hope of probingdeeper into the mysteries underlying the inner workings of thetwo languages.That is precisely why, when offered the chance,she did not think twice about applying for a DAAD scholarship- which she fortunately won - at Ludwig-MaximillianUniversity in Munich, Germany, under the competent tutelageof Professor Kurt Rein, one of the leading authorities at thetime on comparative research. And that, again, accounts for thedecision she made a few years later - as a doctoral student thistime - to take on the challenge of a triply contrastive approachto a much disputed verbal pattern (subsequently extended toinclude a fourth language).

    Taking into account the impressive evidence amassed infavour of utilizing modern comparative strategies in language

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    research, the originator of the project decided, when given theopportunity, to conduct on her own an experiment on twosimilarly performing student groups: the students in one groupbenefited from a contrastive approach to the idioms andgrammar of English and German, whereas to those in the othershe continued teaching the two languages in the traditionalnon-contrastive manner, during separate classes. She was thenthrilled to discover that the results of the experiment wereproving her theory right, i.e. that the lexicology and grammarskills of her students who had taken up the comparative studyof German and English dramatically improved in a relativelyshort span of time.

    In view of the above, an in-depth research conducted inthe contrastive area would prove to be extremely useful toacademics and students alike. Moreover, considering the recentreshaping of our geopolitical environment, the benefits of aninnovative comparative approach to the study of modernlanguages loom larger than ever. The more so now, shortlyafter Romanias joining the EU, when the educational systemtends to revise its strategies in compliance with a much moreflexible, Europe-wide job market. And the more welcome atthis particular juncture, when German - a language relegated toa nugatory position for such a long time and for all the wrongreasons was designated the official language of EU in 2007,when Italian and Spanish tend to become a second language fora vast number of Romanian people working abroad, whileEnglish is still ruling supreme as a bona fide lingua francaboth Europe- and worldwide.

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    I.2 What Sets the Present Research off

    Although, admittedly, promoted in recent years from abackup-strategy-position to a must of worldwide research,comparative techniques unfortunately are still keeping anembarrassingly low profile in the linguistic province. And evenwhen sporadically resorted to, researchers warily confine theirapplication to two or three languages at the most.

    The chief novelty of the present project resides in the factthat comparative research is being conducted on no less than 5languages of different lineage: three of them descended from Latin(Italian, Romanian, Spanish) and the other two from WestGermanic (English, German). Enhancing the complexity of theapproach is also the double focus of the contrastive analysis: on thelanguages as members of a particular family, and furthermore, onthe Romance and Germanic families as descended from the largerEuropean stem.

    The language choice was reluctantly narrowed down tothe above five for two straightforward reasons set out below:

    (a) In an effort to comply with the parity principle, mostlikely to provide a fair treatment and render the approach morebalanced: two Romance foreign languages vs. two Germanicforeign languages, with a third Romance language, Romanian,given a preferential treatment on account of its being the mainfocus of investigation, as well as the native language of bothresearching team and the bulk of the target readership.

    (b) Although also qualifying as a widely spokenEuropean language, French failed to be included in the researchmainly due to its slip-away from the canonical pattern at acertain moment in its diachrony (s. Celtic substratum and Frankadstratum which are generally viewed as major contributoryfactors in the aforesaid slip-away), liable to call for legitimate

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    expatiations which, in turn, would inevitably interfere with thesymmetry the approach is aiming at. Obiter dictum, it is onlynatural that such a contrastive analysis should featureRomanian next to Italian and Spanish, for the equallystraightforward reason that - given their obvious reluctance todrift too far away from the Latin prototype - these threelanguages are more likely than not to reveal fascinating pointsof similarity. Moreover, Romanian linguistics has a longtradition of studying French, whereas Italian and Spanish haveonly recently been made the focus of such research. Inaddition, native speakers of Romanian have been showing akeen interest for Italian and Spanish in the last decade, whichfully justifies a meticulous and systematic investigation of thecontrasts and similarities between Romanian and the twolanguages in question.

    Since successful communication is the key to enhancingsocial prestige, it is equally natural that the first two volumes inthe contrastive series should be devoted to anatomizing thekey-constituents of any semantically self-contained statement:the verb and the noun.

    Each of the two volumes, in turn, devotes 5 units withinan all-inclusive chapter to painstaking research on themorphological features displayed by the grammaticalcategories under investigation in the five languages selected -one unit per language -, with a final synoptic sectionpinpointing the idiosyncrasies revealed in the process.

    The multi-language-oriented approach then transgressesthe intraidiomatic bounds in the following two chapters - whicheach provide comparative analyses of Romance and Germaniclanguages respectively -, while the final one is taking it a stepfurther into a contrastive study of both language families underconsideration. Finally, the last chapters in Volume 2 areintended to subject to minute scrutiny the morphologicalpeculiarities most likely to set Romanian off as a self-assertive

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    linguistic entity against the Romano-Germanic Europeanbackground.

    Major targets of research throughout the wholecomparative series are establishing common morphological andstructural trends, highlighting semantically and/ormorphologically similar or identical forms within Romanceand Germanic language patterns, zooming in on relevant casesof semantic and/or morphological switch-over from onelanguage or language family to another, rigorouslydocumenting the more or less conspicuous between-the-borders- cases, as well as defining clear-cut paradigms onwhich further research can safely be grounded.

    In an attempt to take an unbiassed view of the factscompared, the phenomena investigated are being approachedboth from a synchronic and a diachronic vantage-point. With aprevailingly Romanian readership in mind, the authors deemedit fit to select Romanian as the language in which thecomparative chapters in each volume are submitted forpublication. On the other hand, with a fairly wider targetreadership in mind hence, for improved visibility the uniton Romanian includes summaries in English, German, Italianand Spanish, while the foreign-language units of the all-inclusive second chapter are each provided with an abstract inRomanian. Likewise, the conclusions and synopsis presentedin the final chapters of Volume 2 will also be reiterated in eachof the four European languages under scrutiny.

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    I.3 Setting the Stage for Future Research

    Fully alive to the challenge which such a grandioseenterprise poses, the team of researchers saw to it that an accurateassessment of the concepts employed as well as of the human andtechnical resources deployed, a timely selection of comparative-reference standards and appraisal of the difficulties encountered,together with subsequent revaluation of the strategies applied andintroduction of new, more reliable, techniques, in short, all thesemeticulously thought-out procedure steps would help the projectgo off smoothly, without dramatically disruptive hitches.

    To this very purpose, the authors of the volume at handgave a series of lectures and set up seminar debates oncomparative study of languages meant to prove theirhypotheses and methods right or wrong. In addition, the projectprovided ample opportunity for corroboration or invalidation oftenability and feasibility of the theories and strategiesadvanced, during numerous debates, panels, workshops andacademic interchanges which took place at regular intervalsthroughout the project development.

    Though the target readership of the ContrastiveGrammar series make up primarily researchers, academics andBA, MA or doctoral students with a, so to say, comparativestreak, the volumes are intended to reach a wider audienceincluding pre-university connoisseurs - teachers and studentsalike - particularly those teaching or taking intensive courses inmodern languages.

    In order to improve visibility and elicit a more accuratefeedback, the project researchers plan to hold public debateswhere interested readers will be called on to ask for moreilluminating information and exchange views on contrastiveapproaches in general and the way they are being applied intheir research. Mention should be made of the fact that suchdebates will be held both prior to and after reading of the

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    volumes, so that apposite suggestions could benefit the writingof a second, revised, edition.

    Intent on further widening the target readership, theauthors are considering the subsequent publication of anabridged edition for the lay readers, in particular those seekingemployment abroad or holding jobs which involve multilingualcommunication.

    Acutely aware of the fact that their research is but thetip of a huge iceberg, the project team are relishing the prospectof furthering fruitful exchanges of ideas with fellow-researchersfrom all over the world, as well as ventillation of new concepts,theories and strategies. That is why they hereby invite allresearchers willing to pitch in to offer interesting suggestions foremployment of new research tools and techniques, revealuntrodden paths or even contribute original comparativeresearch conducted on the topics being investigated.

    The ultimate goals of both present and subsequentresearch in the contrastive grammar area, however, remain theones listed below : to dispute the would-be superiority ofexhaustive canonical monolingual approaches; to win newrecruits over to the comparative strategies, particularly boldthinkers willing to take the long view of the tremendous benefitsof applying such contrastive techniques to language study in anever-expanding multicultural European Union; and last but notleast, to delineate the distinctive traits of Romanian as comparedwith widely-circulated European languages, and, furthermore, byrevealing certain major similarities between the former, on the onehand, and the Romance and Germanic languages underinvestigation, on the other, to arouse the interest of native speakersof English, German, Italian or Spanish in the Romanian language,and, through it, in the vast cultural heritage which it helps promote,with concomitant enhancement of national prestige.

    Gina Mciuc

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    I.B OBSERVAII PRELIMINARE

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    I.1 Obiectivul principal al cercetrii

    Obiectivul principal i scopul ultim al cercetrii de fa i al miniseriei n genere este de a evidenia unicitatea limbiiromne n spaiul european, prin plasarea cercetrii pe doucoordonate distincte:

    (a) trasarea profilului individual n cadrul familieilimbilor romanice, prin relevarea consonanelor i disonanelorcu surorile sale occidentale limba romn fiind singura limbneolatin din Europa estic, fapt ce confer i Romnieiatributul identitar de insul de latinitate ntr-un ocean balcanic;

    (b) stabilirea tendinelor evolutive similare cu celeale limbilor din grupul germanic, care o detaeaz de celelaltedescendente romanice i o situeaz pe o poziie aparte n raportcu restul limbilor indoeuropene.

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    I.2 Noutatea tiinific, originalitatea i utilitateapractic a cercetrii

    Volumul I THE VERB/VERBUL este, n primul rnd, ocercetare de pionierat n domeniul lingvisticii contrastive,dezrdcinnd mitul exhaustivelor abordri unilaterale idogmatice prin investigarea comparatist a nu mai puin decinci limbi, situate pe dou coordonate matriceale: unaromanic (italiana, romna, spaniola) i una germanic(engleza, germana). n al doilea, originalitatea demersuluirezid i n faptul c cercetarea depete graniele familieilingvistice (romanice sau germanice), extinzndu-se n paralelasupra ambelor familii, strategia interlingvistic prezentndavantajul incontestabil de a facilita identificarea i investigareaunor noi aspecte ale categoriilor lexicale i gramaticale dinperspectiv intralingvistic. Maniera proprie de abordare acategoriilor gramaticale ale verbului n limba englez, graiecreia autoarea investigheaz aspecte controversate dinperspective noi, ce avantajeaz demersul interlingvisticulterior, demonstreaz clar c relaia dintre cele dou strategii esimbiotic. n al treilea rnd, cercetarea combin ambeleperspective comparatiste: cea a originii comune, pe care sebazeaz metoda comparativ-istoric (v. originea comun alimbilor neolatine, pe de o parte, a limbilor germanice, pe dealta, i, n fine, a celor dou familii indoeuropene), i ceafuncional, specific metodei contrastive. n al patrulea darnu i n ultimul rnd ca importan , volumul se axeaz pedefinirea identitii limbii romne n contextulmultilingvismului european i reliefarea similitudinilor culimbile investigate ndeosebi pentru acel segment de cititoristrini care, datorit poziiei geografice a Romniei, persist ncumplita eroare de a atribui limbii romne apartenen slav ,

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    convertindu-se astfel ntr-un sine qua non generator de multiplerezonane interetnice i interculturale n condiiilereconfigurrii UE.

    Cercetarea se plaseaz pe coordonate precise precumdefinirea axelor morfostructurale comune de dezvoltarelingvistic, identificarea n cadrul tipologiilor romanic igermanic a categoriilor semantice i morfologice similare sauidentice, evidenierea cazurilor de transfer lingvistic vizndcategoria gramatical investigat, depistarea i motivarea nsincronie i/sau diacronie a cazurilor de frontier, acategoriilor i formelor hibride, precum i decuparea profilurilormorfosintactice cu idiosincraziile aferente.

    Pentru o mai bun vizibilitate internaional, Prefaa,Cuprinsul general i Sinopsisul final snt redactate n toate celecinci limbi, iar capitolele sinoptice n limba romn sntprevzute cu rezumate ntr-o limb romanic i una germanic,sau n celelalte patru limbi. Pe de alt parte, pentru a facilitaidentificarea reperelor comparatiste, fiecare dintre capitoleleredactate n cele patru limbi strine este prevzut cu o sintezn limba romn, sinteze menite s serveasc unui dublu scop:pe de o parte, se constituie n instrumente extrem de utile de lucrupentru autorii seciunilor de romanistic, germanistic i romano-germanistic, iar pe de alta, faciliteaz cititorului o priviresinoptic asupra categoriilor gramaticale vizate.

    n alt ordine de idei, dezbaterile din cadrul meselorrotunde organizate n cadrul proiectului au fost extrem debinevenite, ntruct au relevat importana utilitii practice ademersului de tip comparatist, evideniind clar necesitateaavansrii unei strategii i tactici de recuperare conceptual imetodologic n studiul limbilor, care s permit o abordareanalitico-sintetic novatoare, asociaionist, a fenomenelorlingvistice, devenit cu att mai imperioas cu ct, dupintegrarea n UE, i sistemul educaional dobndete o maimare flexibilitate spaio-temporal, iar piaa muncii e

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    redimensionat dintr-o perspectiv mai larg, european.Astfel, concluzia spre care au condus discuiile a fost c oreconfigurare a ariei curiculare, n sensul reorientrii acesteia ideplasrii accentului pe abordrile contrastive n predarealimbilor, este imperios necesar, dac avem n vedere ctehnicile comparatiste faciliteaz o mai rapid i mai profundnelegere a fenomenului lingvistic, att absolvenilor de profilfilologic ct i celor care urmeaz cursuri universitare de altprofil.

    i, ducnd mai departe raionamentul, acesta din urmeste segmentul cel mai important de beneficiari ai utilitiipractice a strategiilor contrastive de nvare a limbilor, din celpuin urmtoarele dou motive: (a) acest segment este cel careposed, n genere, abiliti lingvistice mai reduse, fapt ceconstituie principalul obstacol n achiziionarea unei limbi; i(b) n acelai timp, ns, respectivul segment este i cel cruiaredimensionarea i flexibilizarea pieei forei de munc la niveleuropean i mondial i ofer, n ultimul timp ca urmare arecentei integrri a Romaniei n UE i cele mai multeoportuniti de angajare i afirmare profesional, n condiiilecunoaterii a cel puin dou limbi strine.

    De altfel, fundamentarea extralingvistic a selecieicorpusului de cercetare este coroborat n mod evident dedinamica contextului socio-politic european, n care limbagerman ndelung i pe nedrept ostracizat datorit roluluinefast de ghilotin european asumat de regimul nazist ntimpul celui de al doilea rzboi mondial a fost declarat n2007 limb oficial a UE, italiana i spaniola, n condiiileaccelerrii fluxului demografic n spaiul european, s-auconvertit pentru un numr considerabil de romni ntr-o a doualimb de comunicare, iar limba englez i menine ncsupremaia n calitate de lingua franca european i mondialn egal msur.

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    n acest context, dat fiind creterea impresionant acererii de noi instrumente de lucru destinate aprofundriilimbilor strine, iniiatorii proiectului au n vedere i elaborareaulterioar a unei ediii simplificate a Gramaticii contrastive,accesibil cititorilor laici. Utilitatea practic a lucrrii reiesefoarte clar, fie i numai din avantajele enumerate mai jos: (a)nvarea mai rapid a unei limbi strine prin contientizareaconsonanelor i disonanelor cu limba matern ceea ce unnefilolog, de regul, nu face; i (b) achiziionarea unei altelimbi strine prin comparaie cu una deja cunoscut (cum estecazul limbii germane a crei complexitate morfologicdescurajeaz de la bun nceput pe baza similitudinilor culimba englez, mult mai accesibil studentului nceptor tocmaidatorit precaritii flexionare).

    Pe lng aceasta, inserarea capitolelor de romanistic igermanistic, ca i a celui de romano-germanistic, conduce, nmod evident, la o mbuntire semnificativ a indicelui deadresabilitate.

    n fine, n condiiile n care apetitul informaional ncontinu cretere al lui homo sapiens contemporan a ridicat larang de imperativ traducerea operelor de referin n toatedomeniile, un alt segment pentru care miniseria de gramaticcontrastiv realizat n cadrul proiectului prezint o utilitateinestimabil e cel al traductorilor, tiut fiind c procesultranspunerii din limba-surs n limba-int ridic apreciabiledificulti, ce pot fi mult mai uor depite dac se traseaz nprealabil repere lingvistice comparatiste ntre limbile romanicei germanice de circulaie universal i limba matern atraductorului.

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    I.3 Dificulti de ordin tiinific ntmpinate

    Dificultile de ordin tiinific nu au fost delocneglijabile, precum deloc uoar nu a fost nici strdania de a lerezolva, pe ct posibil, fr a periclita consecvena demersuluipe parcursul cercetrii, pe de o parte, i coerena discursului ncadrul volumului, pe de alta.

    O prim categorie de dificulti deriv logic dinspecificul abordrii contrastive. Astfel, de la bun nceputcorpusul de cercetare lingvistic a fost limitat la cele cincilimbi, din dou motive:

    1) Din dorina de a se respecta principiul paritii,responsabil de o abordare mai judicioas sub aspectul simetrieii paralelismului comparatist: dou limbi strine romanice vs.dou limbi strine germanice, ecuaia fiind completat de o atreia limb romanic romna care se bucur de un tratamentprivilegiat (v. capitolul final al fiecrui volum) ce deriv nmod natural din statutul su de limb matern, att a echipei decercetare ct i a unei poriuni semnificative din segmentulpublicului cititor vizat.

    2) S-a renunat la includerea limbii franceze n corpusdatorit faptului c, n diacronie, sub influena substratului celtici a adstratului franc, aceasta a suferit anumite mutaii a crorexplicitare ar fi necesitat un studiu mult mai amplu i detaliat,care ar fi prejudiciat astfel simetria autoimpus. Apoi, pe lngfaptul c limba romn prezint mult mai multe afiniti fa delimbile italian i spaniol, toate trei avnd rdcinile puternicnfipte n matricea latin, i fiind, prin urmare, preponderentsintetice n timp ce franceza, datorit influenelor menionatemai sus, manifest cel mai pronunat analitism dintre limbileneolatine , cercetrile referitoare la aceste dou limbi strineocup un spaiu mult mai restrns fa de cele dedicate limbii

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    franceze, care se bucur de o tradiie ndelungat n lingvisticaromneasc (s nu uitm c, pn acum cteva decenii i ca oreacie la rusofilia impus Romnia a fost un spaiueminamente francofon).

    n afar de aceasta, interesul vorbitorilor romni pentruaceste dou limbi romanice a crescut considerabil n ultimultimp, fiind astfel pe deplin justificat elaborarea unui studiucare s sistematizeze contrastele i similitudinile dintre limbilen cauz i limba romn.

    Stabilirea ulterioar a reperelor comparatiste n cadrulfiecrei categorii verbale a fost una dintre cele mai complicateoperaiuni, ntruct de aceasta depinde reuita ntregului demerscontrastiv. Dificultatea const n faptul c trebuie selectatetrsturi, tipuri i structuri care confer specificitate, i sntrecunoscute ca atare de gramatica limbii respective, dar care, nacelai timp, se bucur de o minim corespondenmorfosemantic n celelalte limbi de comparaie (de ex.,categoria aspectului, prezent n toate cele cinci limbi, dar cu odistribuie diferit n aria lingvistic: aspect preponderentgramatical, n englez, i aproape exclusiv lexical, n celelaltepatru limbi de comparaie). Selecia a fost impus de spaiulrestrns al unui volum unic, i motivat de faptul c acestecategorii reprezint vectorii eseniali care orienteaz dinamicaintern a semantismului verbal, fiind totodat i cei care iconfer statutul de cutie de rezonan n actul comunicrii,diateza specificnd perspectiva de relaionare a subiectului cuaciunea verbului, n timp ce aspectul i timpul focalizeazsegmentarea temporal a aciunii, respectiv relaia timplingvistic (temporalitate)-timp extralingvistic. S-a renunat nultim instan la investigarea comparatist a categorieimodalitii, deoarece aceasta implic prea multe variabile isubtiliti semantice, care depesc cu mult cadrul limitat alunui singur volum, invocat anterior. n plus, enunul modalizat(i n special componenta epistemic), nu e un sine-qua-non n

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    comunicarea cu mesaj minimal, care presupune din start unmaximum de ncrctur semantic realizat cu un minimum deefort lexical i sentenial.

    A doua categorie de dificulti a fost generat deselectarea perspectivei n msur s faciliteze o mai bunvizibilitate comparatist. Dac, ntr-o prim faz, din dorina dea evita o hiperdispersie a reperelor i blocarea fluxuluiasociaionist, am optat pentru cea transversal mai precisinventarierea fiecrei categorii verbale succesiv n cele cincilimbi , n final am preferat perspectiva idiomatic, carepresupune trecerea n revist a tuturor celor trei categorii mainti ntr-o limb, apoi n alta .a.m.d., din cel puin doumotive, i anume:

    (a) pentru eliminarea sincopelor n abordareaintralingvistic, extrem de periculoase n cazul unor limbi cumeste engleza, unde precaritatea morfologic compensat de oplaj semantico-stilistic extrem de bogat conduce la ostrns interdependen a categoriilor aspect i timp,materializat n combinaii aspecto-temporale ce presupuntratarea consecutiv a celor dou categorii vizate;

    (b) pentru a evita fragmentarea discursului n cazulspecialitilor interesai n mod deosebit de o anumit limb.

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    I.4 Cteva precizri referitoare la spaiul maiamplu alocat unor uniti structurale

    Cteva precizri se impun a fi fcute referitor ladistribuia aparent inegal a celor cinci profiluri lingvistice ncadrul Capitolului al II-lea. O discuie aparte comport n acestsens specificul abordrii categoriilor verbale selectate n cazullimbii engleze. Avnd n vedere faptul c engleza este limba cucel mai pronunat analitism dintre limbile comparate celelaltepatru fiind, prin opoziie, preponderent sintetice , a fostnecesar o analiz mult mai detaliat a resurselor semantico-stilistice la care se face apel pentru a reechilibra balana n zonamorfologiei.

    Ca urmare, n cazul diatezei pasive, a trebuit fcut, ntr-oprim faz, distincia clar ntre construciile pasive autentice(v. pasivul sintactic din terminologia gramatical romneasc)i cele superficiale, cu pasivitate pur formal, pe de o parte, ca intre cele de tip promotion-to-subject cu [+Pasiv] ca trstursemantic inerent, fr vreun semn morfologic exterior(v. pasivul lexical din terminologia gramatical romneasc) iintranzitivele autentice, pe de alta, pentru ca mai apoi, n fazaurmtoare, s se procedeze la disocieri semantice de finee ntrecele patru construcii implicate.

    Consecin direct a manifestrii exacerbate a aceluiaianalitism, absena unei paradigme cazuale n limba englez aobligat autoarea s dedice o seciune special spectrului mai larg deroluri semantice (v. i denumirea roluri tematice, utilizat nterminologia gramatical romneasc), care pot fi ataatesubiectului gramatical.

    ntruct semantismul luxuriant generat de precaritateamorfologic se face la rndu-i, n mod frecvent, responsabil deambiguizarea enunului un fenomen deosebit de periculos

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    pentru logica lingvistic , s-a impus analizarea n detaliu i aaltor aspecte din zona acestei categorii, precum variantelealternative de auxiliar al pasivului, verbele anti-pasive (cusubtipurile aferente), coreferenialitate vs. pasivitate, pasivulstrii vs. pasivul aciunii, jocul subtil al logicii n trecereagradual de la activ la pasiv (cu radiografierea verbelordefective de activ* (passivum tantum), ca i a celor cemanifest pasivitate de tip primar, respectiv cameleonic**, sauinterdependena sintax-semantic n construciile cu pasivitateformal (v. pasivul intranzitiv, verbele deponente i pseudo-pasivul), autoarea prezentnd propriile argumente pro i contra,i avansnd propriile teorii, formule, tabele i scheme deinterpretare, bogat exemplificate i riguros documentate dinpunct de vedere tiinific.

    Maniera de abordare sui generis se menine i n tratareacombinaiilor aspecto-temporale ale limbii engleze, realizatdintr-o dubl perspectiv: cea a implicaiilor semantico-pragmatice corelat cu cea a transpoziiilor refereniale. Drepturmare, tipuri combinatorii deviante precum present perfectsimple i present perfect progressive nu se regsesc nici nsubcapitolul Non-past TA Blends, nici n cel care descriePast TA Blends, ci fac obiectul unui subcapitol aparte, dedicatcombinaiilor cu comportament atipic.

    Fidel aceleiai perspective, autoarea rezerv un altsubcapitol transferurilor semantice operate n cadrul sistemuluireferenial temporal, cu intenia vdit de a explicita ntr-omanier mai logic complexitatea relaiei timp lingvistic-timpextralingvistic.

    Regizat aidoma unei lovituri de teatru, subcapitolul definal demonteaz i mitul suavei sancta simplicitas atribuitelimbii engleze la nivel de structuri cel al simplitii semanticefiind deja spulberat, pentru studentul nceptor, de capitolele

    , * i ** Termenii ne aparin

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    anterioare , scond la iveal din ungherele gramaticilordescriptive adevrate monstruoziti, mai precis secvenemorfosintactice supradimensionate, avnd n componen numai puin de cinci auxiliare, precum cel ilustrat mai jos de

    may have been due to be being left.Argumentele expuse mai sus, credem noi, motiveaz

    convingtor amploarea spaiului acordat limbii engleze ncadrul capitolului al II-lea, explicnd totodat decizia autorilorde a deplasa capitolul sinoptic rezervat profilului contrastiv alcategoriilor verbale diatez, aspect i timp n cele cinci limbiinvestigate spre sfritul urmtorului volum, alturi desinopsisul comparativ al categoriilor nominale de gen i numr,i de cel final, care decupeaz profilul morfosintactic al limbiiromne n contextul romano-germanic european. n acest fel sereechilibreaz cele dou volume, att cantitativ ct i calitativ precaritatea morfologic a englezei, n care cazul nu estemarcat flexionar, impunnd eliminarea din start a acestei a treiacategorii nominale din cercetarea contrastiv , i n acelaitimp, prin plasarea tuturor celor trei capitole sinoptice la finalde miniserie, cititorul beneficiaz de o edificatoare perspectivde ansamblu.

    Gina Mciuc

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    ENGLISH

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    THE ENGLISH VOICEI. Generalities I.1. The Mediopassive ...I.1.1. Pros and Cons I.1.2. Promotion to Subject vs Passivisation: SemanticDifferences ...I.2. The Reflexive .II. The Passive ...II.1. The -ed Participle ...II.2. The Role of Agent by-Phrases .II.3. Agentless or Short Passives ..II.4. Semantic Roles Attached to the Passive SubjectOther Than the Prototypical Patient II.5. Passive Auxiliaries Other Than Be II.5.1. The Get Passive ..II.5.2. Marginal Passive Auxiliaries ...II.5.2.1. Become Passives ...II.5.2.2. Grow Passives ..II.5.3. Authors Own View on the Topic ..II.6. Verbs Which Defy Passivisation .II.6.1. The Out-and-Out Defiers .II.6.2 Coreferentiality and Passiveness ..II. 7 Chopping the Fuzzy Logic of the Active PassiveOpposition ...II. 7. 1 Passivum Tantum and Basically Passive Verbs .II. 7. 2 Chameleon-Like Passives ..II.7.3 Statal vs. Dynamic Passives .II.7.4 Authors Own View on the Topic II. 7. 4. 1 A Closer Investigation of Steins BasicallyPassive Verbs and Other -ed Forms .II. 7. 4. 2 Final Assessment of Steins View .II. 7. 4. 3 Classification of -ed Forms: a Modest Proposal ...II.8. The Subtitle Interplay of Syntax and Semantics inPassive -Like Constructions ..II.8.1. The Intransitive Passive ..II.8.2. Deponent Verbs or Superficial Passives ..II.8.3. Pseudo-Passives ..

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    I.Generalities

    In Trasks wide-ranging and forward-looking Languageand Linguistics voice is briefly defined as the grammaticalcategory governing the way the subject of a sentence is relatedto the action of the verb (2007: 319). The British linguistfurther subdivides English voice simply into active (thesubject typically expresses an agent, and the direct objectexpresses a patient, 1993: 299) and passive (the subject istypically a patient and an oblique object, if present, expressesan agent, id.).

    Other languages boast additional voices, for therendition of which protean English has recourse to more or lessoriginal means, as indicated below.

    I.1 The Mediopassive(also middle, or patient-subject construction):

    a construction in which an intrinsically transitive verbis construed intransitively with a patient at subject and receivesa passive interpretation (Trask 1993:170, 203), e.g. Theconcert tickets cost too much and sold badly, This fabricdoesnt wash well. Only a minority of English verbs (calledlabile verbs, cf. Trask 1993:152) are available for thisidiosyncratic pattern, which is therefore best regarded as alexical, not as a syntactic one.

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    I.1.1 Pros and Cons

    Some linguists tend to attach to constructions of thetype discussed above the label ergative1.Voicing, as usual, aquite distinct opinion from that of his fellow linguists, Dixon(1992) views such patterns as end products of a syntacticprocess called promotion to subject, i.e. a process by whichsome noun phrase (the direct object, in our particular case) ismoved from a lower- to a higher-ranking position within therelational hierarchy (here, to subject, during passivisation).

    On the other hand, the Australian linguist regardsapplication of the term ergative to the English examplesabove as misconceived for three main reasons2.

    a) Promotion to subject is usually available for ONPs (i.e. NPs, of which the deep-structure direct object hasbecome the surface-structure subject, e.g. The veal cuts easily,but has been shown to be equally available for a peripheral NP

    1 Cf. Trask 1993, 93: A name sometimes given to the transitivepattern exemplified by the sentence She opened the door, as compared withthe intransitive The door opened, or to the subject NP in the transitiveconstruction, reflecting the observation that the patient NP the doorfunctions indifferently as intransitive subject or as transitive object, with nochange in the morphology of the verb or of the NP, much as happensregularly in morphologically ergative languages [].

    2 Trask seems to voice similar doubts in this respect, if for ratherdifferent reasons: This usage effectively equates ergatives with (a subclassof ?) causatives; its utility is debatable, since the pattern is far from beingfully productive in English: while a number of verbs participate in it (dry,collapse, fly, drown) some other show lexical suppletion (die/kill, fall/drop,recover/cure) and still others require various complex expressions (getlost/lose, be born/bear, blush/makeblush, exist/bringinto existence)(1993:92).

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    such as the new knife, as exemplified by The new knife cuts theveal easily (cf. Dixon 1992: 323).

    b) Promotion to subject has not been shown toinduce a change in the transitivity pattern of a sentence. Thus,if a noun phrase other than object is promoted to subject, thenthe object may be kept on (as is in fact the veal in the aboveexample).

    c) The label ergative is as a rule used of alinguistic system where A (i.e. the transitive subject) is markedin a distinctive way (by ergative case), thus keeping it separatefrom S (intransitive subject) and O (transitive object), which aremarked in the same way (by absolutive case). Chopping logiceven further, passive S does correspond to O, so the conclusionbecomes evident that, for consistencys sake at least, linguistslabelling Sports cars sell quickly as ergative should apply thesame label to the passive Sports cars are sold quickly, where Scan definitely be traced back to O (cf. Dixon, ib.).

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    I.1.2 Promotion to Subjectvs Passivisation:

    Semantic Differences

    While passivisation, Dixon maintains (1992: 325),merely focuses on the object or on how the activity affects thelatter without contributing in any way to the relation betweenobject and verb , promotion to subject either gives credit to orholds the non-subject NP accountable for the activitys successor lack of success, respectively. Compare, for instance, Thecustard wasnt poured properly, implying that the personholding the jug didnt look to see what they were doing, withThe custard doesnt pour properly, where the listener/reader isexpected to read into the sentence an additional comment likeit is too thick, and will have to be spooned onto the pie(Dixon, ib.).

    More importantly even, disambiguation of similar-looking constructions can be successfully effected by applyingcertain syntactic constraints, such as the one stating thatalthough an object can be kept on when a peripheral nounphrase is promoted to subject, it will most certainly be found tooppose passivisation. Thus, the theoretically acceptable passiveThe woolens were washed well (by the Hoovermatic) corresponding to The Hoovermatic washed the woolens well could run the risk of being confused with the passive Thewoolens were washed well (by Mary) (in the Hoovermatic) tobe traced back to the active Mary washed the woolens well(with Softly) (in the Hoovermatic).

    Now then, since, as indicated above, passivisation insuch cases always results in agentless sentences, The woolenswere washed wellwould then be irretrievably ambiguous, and alistener would not know whether well referred to the Agent, themachine, the soap mixture, or what (Dixon, ib.).

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    While comparing passives with pseudo-passives, Stein(1979), too, tackles combinations of the type discussed abovewith the utmost care. Since their linguistic form is active butthe meaning is said to be passive, she labels them notionalpassive, as contrasted to the grammatical passive, where bothmeaning and form are passive (cf. Stein 1979:166). She alsoseems to agree with Dixon on a further point, namely thatnotional passives as a rule cannot be expanded by an agentphrase (e.g. *The wine drinks well by most customers). Inaddition, she aptly remarks that verbs like sell and wash makeup a distinct class which one can easily tell from bona fideactive verbs by applying the test of compatibility with modalcan. Thus a sentence like *The new Fiat can sell well isdismissed as deviant for the straightforward reason that modalcan is already semantically included (cf. Stein, 1979:167).

    Notional passive resembles the grammatical one, Steinclaims, in that they both avoid mentioning the agent. However,while this is an optional characteristic with the latter, it hasbeen found to be a defining one in the former (cf. Stein, ib.).Tosum up, in the notional passive the speaker`s grammaticalfreedom of treating a resultative activity as beginning after thepoint of its extralinguistic onset [we know from our experiencethat selling and washing presuppose that some person performsthese activities] is lexicalized in an active form (id.).

    Couching it differently, but clearly holding similarviews on the topic, Dixon maintains that promotion to subject,as compared with the passive, is an even more markedconstruction, to which recourse must be had only when successof an activity can mainly be attributed to the nature of thereferent of a non-subject noun phrase. More often than not,there has to be a contrast involved some models of car sellquickly and others slowly, some types of woolens wash easilybut others don`t (Dixon 1992: 325).

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    I.2 The Reflexive:

    a construction in which two noun phrases areunderstood as having the same referent (Trask 1993: 233). Ihave given so much space to the Passive in the present chapterbecause reflexivity is considered by most theorists of Englishgrammar as a property characterizing pronouns rather thanverbs. Thus, in his most discerning and erudite approach toGrammatical Terms in Linguistics, Trask lists only reflexivepronoun as a distinct morphological subclass and no reflexiveverb (cf 1993: 234). Likewise, in examples like Did he hurthimself when he fell?, Buy yourself some shoes, Shedistinguished herself in the debate, the label reflexive isattached to the English pronouns accompanying certain verbs,and not to the verbs as such. Two particular patterns are mostapt to catch one`s eye in the above subcategory, namely:

    (a) reflexive absolute transitive:the construction in which an intrinsically transitive

    verb is construed intransitively with a reflexive sense (Trask1993: 234), e.g. He undressed, I have been washing.

    (b) reflexive-patient-subject-construction:the construction in which a transitive verb has a patient

    as its subject and a stressed reflexive pronoun as its object:This car practically drives itself (ib.).

    Whereas some verbs blatantly discouragecoreferentiality, others simply cannot do without it whenconstrued in a different meaning or forced to take on additionalconstituents. Such is the case with think as accompanied by a to complement in And I thought to myself: What a wonderfulworld!.

    In his ambitious and extensive account of EnglishGrammar, A New Approach, Dixon employs the label

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    reflexive/reflexivized causative for word strings such as Justsit yourself down here, which speakers often use to achieve acasual informal style in place of the less chatty and friendly[] plain intransitive Just sit down here (1992: 58). As anadded incentive, some verbs possessed of a primary concretemeaning (especially those including the features [+ space, +direction] in their semantic diagram) can even undergometaphorical extension when taking a reflexive object (cf.Dixon, ib.), as exemplified in I couldn`t bring myself to tell herthe bad news [= I couldn`t bear to tell her], Pull yourselftogether! [= control your feelings, stop acting like a baby], Iknow it was a dishonest thing to do, but put yourself in myplace/my position [= imagine being me].

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    II. The Passive

    Trask defines the prototypical passive as A construction inwhich an intrinsically transitive verb is construed in such a way thatits underlying object appears as its surface subject, its underlyingsubject being either absent (a short passive) or expressed as anoblique NP (a long passive, or passive-with-agent), theconstruction usually being overtly marked in some way to show itspassive character (1993: 201).

    The switch-over from active to passive involvesinsertion of the copula-like be immediately before the head ofthe verb phrase, followed by the past participle of the mainverb (also called -ed or -en participle).

    II.1. The -ed Participle

    -Ed participle is the relatively recent abbreviation traditional label: past participle for both passive and perfectparticiples. Though almost always identical in structure, the twoEnglish non-finite forms have perfectly distinct functions. Thus,whereas the former serves as the head of a passive verb phrase(They were told about it two days ago), the latter combines withthe auxiliary have to form the Perfect (They have told him aboutit this morning). However, ambiguity does not rule supreme inall cases, a few verbs showing availability for separate perfectand passive forms with at least some speakers (mainly AmericanEnglish), e.g. He has been proven guilty vs They have provedhim guilty, Harrowing pictures of the famine victims have beenshown in the news report vs The news report has showedharrowing pictures of the famine victims.

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    II.2. The Role of Agent by-Phrases

    As optional constituent, a passive clause may include aby-phrase complement which is in fact the entity instigating orperforming the action, i.e. the real agent. Passive verb by-phrasesdiffer from peripheral adverbials such as by accident / chance /mistake / request, etc in that they are much more fastidious aboutthe company they keep or, as grammatical parlance would haveit: they place a co-occurrence restriction on the verb. Theselimitations suggest that such phrases, despite their optionality,are specifiers rather than modifiers and are indeed part of thevalency of the individual verb3.

    In other words, passive is to the writer what tonic stress isto the speaker: a signal of marked focus. With the activecounterpart almost unanimously viewed as the unmarked clausalmessage, the passive voice is marked, and it is most typicallyused either to make the entity undergoing the action the centre ofattention, or to remove the entity performing the action (the agent)from the sentence altogether (Trask 2007: 320).

    Everything else being equal, speakers have been found toresort to the passive morphological pattern incorporating a by-complement mainly when this last constituent provides newinformation, hence attracting end-focus, e.g. We were held up bya traffic jam.

    Though it is frequently difficult to account for the use of suchpassives in a principled manner, a further motivation seems to occurwhen the by-complement is rather bulky and placing it in final positionis a syntactic constraint deriving from the so-called principle of end-weight, as exemplified by The criminals had been caught red-handedby the most bizarre contemporary Sherlock Holmes ever to set foot inthat spooky hotel.

    3 Cf. Mciuc 2000 c: 35-6 for further details, as well as discussion ofthe label perject which some linguists seem to favour.

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    II.3. Agentless orShort Passives4

    Despite its centrality, statistics show that in formalEnglish more than 80 per cent of passives tend to silence theagent, with a significantly higher percentage for colloquialEnglish (cf. Dixon 1992: 298). Admittedly, it is often the casethat an agent remains unactualized if already implied, e.g. Hedid not die a natural death, he was murdered.

    In his excellent study On voice in the English Verb,Svartvik chooses to give up rigid traditional views thuseffectively bypassing dichotomous subclassifications of voice and proposes instead the concept of passive scale (cf.1966:156). At the top end he places sentences with an agent by-phrase, while the opposite pole is occupied by nonagentiveclauses which have a syntagmatic affinity with active equativeclauses (op. cit., p. 138), with agentless passives ranking third(i.e. exactly at midpoint) on Svartviks scale. While in this lastclass the agent is not lexically realized but it may have directagent extension (which is usually animate (cf. 1966, p. 134:Many varieties of laterals are heard in English One canhear many varieties of), the relation of nonagentives to theactive, Svartvik argues, is much more difficult to reconstruct,as illustrated by The significance of mystery, however, was lostin Clarissa (cf. 1966:137), where native speakers varyconsiderably as to admitting an agent extension.

    All in all ellipsis of the agent will normally be resortedto if:1. The identity of the active subject is not known.

    4 As opposed to Passives-with-Agent or Long Passives (cf. Trask1993: 201).

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    2. Identification of the active subject is consideredirrelevant.3. The identity of the active subject cannot or must not berevealed.4. Identification of the active subject would be tantamountto claiming or assigning responsibility for the action, e.g. Imafraid some coffee has been spilt on the rug.5. A get passive is used instead of the prototypical be one,even in the same, colloquial, style (cf. Dixon 1992: 304). Quirk et al, however, think fit to qualify this restriction bytactfully narrowing down the semantic description of agent by-phrases allowed to accompany get passives to [-animate] (cf.1985: 802). Hatchers in-depth study on get and be passives isagain a bit more restrictive when shifting the limit up to[-human] but only for highly individualized agents (cf. 1949:435-6). Thus, in her view, he got run over by a drunkendriver is perfectly acceptable, while he got run over by theman next door is semantically deviant (op. cit.)

    An agentless passive is an equally useful device forfocusing on some other clause constituent, particularly on thosewhich can only with difficulty receive end focus, such as verbsor prepositional objects/complements, e.g. So far no winnerhad been announced, Senior members of the government areprovided with research assistants.

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    II.4. Semantic RolesAttached to the

    Passive Subject Other Thanthe Prototypical Patient

    The relation between syntax and semantics hasremained a moot point ever since the ascent of linguistics.Whereas some linguists view syntactic principles as overridingthe semantic ones (cf. Standard Theory of TransformationalGrammar), others advocate the opposite view (cf FunctionalGrammar and Cognitive Grammar), with Generative Semanticssimply rubbing out the dividing line and considering them aunified area of investigation.

    I tend to believe the golden mean is as usual the safestand wisest decision to make in the dispute in question. In thisparticular light, semantic roles5 can be successfully resorted towhen aiming to distinguish between various passive structures,the more so as in English there are no case forms such asaccusative or dative typically marking the direct or indirectobject of mono- or ditransitive verbs.

    Canonically regarded as a privilege in manylanguages even as an exclusive one (see, for instance, Frenchand Romanian) of the accusative case or direct object, or, insemantic parlance, of the Patient, passivisation can also takeeffect with a dative case or active indirect object, or again,semantically viewed, with a Recipient as its subject.

    Consider the sentence below:Doctors have given a 50-year-old woman an artificial

    heart in a special operation,with its prepositional homonym

    5 S. in-depth discussion of semantic roles in Mciuc 2000 c: 39-55.

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    Doctors have given an artificial heart to a 50-year-oldwoman in a special operation.Two distinct passive constructions can be derived from the aboveactive one, featuring either the direct object, as in

    An artificial heart has been given (by doctors) to a50-year old woman in a special operation,or the indirect object, as in

    A 50-year-old woman has been given an artificial heartin a special operationas their respective subjects.Of the two, the latter one is by far the more frequentlyemployed passive, in both formal and colloquial styles. Forobvious reasons of space availability I will not go into furtherdiachronic details pertaining to the origin of this indirectpassive (cf. Kruisinga 1925:115, Zandvoort 1969:55) orsecondary passive (cf. Poutsma 1926:125). At this particularjuncture I am more inclined to believe that of real benefit to thereader would be a brief survey of the motivation sustaining thenative speakers preference for this type of passive .

    A psychologically based explanation originates withJespersen, who invokes the greater interest felt for theperson, i.e. the very same reason taken to account for theplacing of the indirect object before the direct object (cf. 1927III:303, 1933:122)6.

    Addressing the issue from a quite different, functionalsentence perspective, Stein simply argues that the so-calledindirect passive conforms to the rule whereby the nominalelement of an active sentence with two positions after the verbwhich has the second lowest degree of communicative

    6 Since reference to analogical structures is common linguistic practice,Jespersen also claims that: A concurrent cause of the rise of the newconstruction may have been the fact that some of the verbs which can takean indirect object are also found with only one (personal) object: theyshowed us upstairs, passive we were shown upstairs (1927 III: 303).

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    dynamism becomes the subject and the theme of the passivesentence (1979:116).

    Unlike Recipient-, Beneficiary indirect objects i.e. thosetaking for instead of to in the active SPOdOprep construction can, in theory, almost never assume the function of passivesubject, as indicated by the following examples: I was bought a hat. A hat was bought me (cf. Fillmore 1968:13). I could be fetched the newspaper. James was mixed a cocktail. Youll be made an omelette. All the guests were poured cups of coffee

    (cf. Downing & Locke 1992:118),of which all are asterisked by Fillmore, and Downing & Lockerespectively, yet accepted (cf. Stein 1979:113) by many nativeEnglish lay speakers (scil. non-philologists).

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    II.5 Passive AuxiliariesOther Than Be

    II.5.1 The Get Passive

    The semantic idiosyncrasies of the get passive span aquite impressive spectrum, with features paradoxically locatedat its opposite ends: [+ perfective] (Kruisinga 1925:124),[+actional] [-incipient] (Poutsma 1926:100), [+actional][+ingressive] (Curme 1931:446), [+mutative] (Zandvoort1969:57), [+resultative] (Quirk at al 1985:803), [+actional][+resultative] [+rhematic focus] (Stein 1979:59,67). Palmer(1974) stands out in that he views get passive as closely relatedsemantically to statal passives.7

    Taking the motivation of using get as a passiveauxiliary to a more abstract, psychologically based, level,Hatcher (1949) even goes so far as to imply that theconstruction under discussion is only had recourse to when themajor focus is on a personal involvement of the subject8.Corroborating this view is also Lakoff (1971), who, in addition,

    7 Cf. Palmer 1974, p. 89: GET, unlike the passive, implies that theperson or object was in the state of having been killed, punished, lost etc.after the event. Semantically, GET reports both the action and the resultantstate. The ball got lost says both the ball was lost (passive) and the ball waslost (statal). It can thus be seen either as a process verb with an -en formwhile BE is purely statal, or as combining the two functions of BE.

    8 Cf. Hatcher 1949, p. 434: [the event which occurred to the subject] isapt to be the result to some degree, of his carelessness (if not of actualmisbehavior); and we tend to feel that such accidents might have beenavoided, with greater foresight or virtue on the part of the subject.

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    devotes scholarly attention to the subtle way in whichsuperficial and logical subject interrelate9.

    After reiterating their view on the informality of getpassives, Greenbaum & Quirk, in a more recent edition of theirGrammar (1991), also claim that these are usually taken toimply that the passive subject has largely brought it onherself/himself, so to say, as is also suggested by theconstruction with a reflexive pronoun, e.g. She got herselfcaught (cf. 1991: 45).

    In his semantically principled approach, Dixon adducesfurther evidence supporting the similarity-to-reflexivestheory. Thus, while admitting that the omission of main clauseobject (= complement clause subject) is normally not allowedfor other MAKING verbs (his label for causatives), henevertheless points out that the aforementioned strategy can beapplied as a special syntactic rule which effectively derives aget passive from a MAKING construction involving get(1992: 303). In other words, Dixon traces get as marker of thepassive back to the underlying causative get which is part of alonger string including a reflexive pronoun plus to(complementiser) plus be (unmarked passive introducer) pluspassive verb, with both be and the reflexive omitted, as indicatedby the bracketed constituents in John got (himself to be) fired.

    A distinct feature which Dixon (1992: 304) includes in thesemantic description of get passives is recency of event.Consider in this respect He got run over (said of something thattook place, say, last week) as opposed to He was run over

    9 Cf. Lakoff 1971, p. 160: [] I have suggested that the get passiveand the be passive have very different underlying structures, and that theirsemantic differences are reflected in part by the correct assignment ofstructure to passive type: the get passive often suggests the activeinvolvement, emotional or otherwise, of the superficial subject: this isreflected in the fact that the superficial is the logical subject of get, but notof be, where the superficial subject is uninvolved in the action described.

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    (concerning something that happened a decade ago).As regards the brought-it-on-oneself interpretation, at

    first blush Dixon seems to hold a dissenting view, with thepassive subject frequently disclaiming responsibility for beingin the described state. Consequently, a sentence like Thatmeeting got postponed carries a certain overtone that themeeting seems fated never to be held (Dixon, ib). Henevertheless qualifies his claim by admitting that passive get like the MAKING verb get to which it appears to besyntactically related can be taken to imply that the passivesubject is partly responsible for being in the described state,and even adduces as corroborating evidence verbs like amuse,astonish, delight, please, satisfy, which seldom combine withpassive get due to the fact that they denote feelings most likelyto be experienced naturally, with the Experiencer having littleor no role in bringing them about (Dixon 1992: 306)10.

    Though some linguists with a prevailingly logical bias who, in addition, strongly believe that metaphors in linguisticsshould be used sparingly tend to dismiss such psychologicallybased theories as oversophisticated interpretation, which istantamount to an invitation to speculation (cf. Stein 1979: 58),cultivated speakers of English have been found to motivate theiruse of get passives much in the same vein (cf. Dixon 1992: 398).

    The almost unanimously held view that get is informalis challenged by Stein in her extensive study on the passive(1979:164), by implying that the auxiliary serves the specificpurpose of actionalizing statal passives, as exemplified byThe vase got broken The vase was broken. Therefore, Steinargues, since no other copula can be substituted for get in thisparticular function, its alleged informality is nothing else butan unjustified linguistic prejudice (op. cit.).

    10 Cf. also Hatchers paradoxical stance in the following excerpt: Itmight be said that our construction is an (auto-)biographical device, whichserves to record the experiences of individuals in whom Fate, whether shesmiles or frowns, is personally interested (1949: 442).

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    II.5.2 Marginal Passive Auxiliaries

    II.5.2.1 Become Passives

    The semantic features attached to become as a passiveauxiliary range from [+durative] (Kruisinga 1925:124),[+ingressive] (Poutsma 1926:100, Curme 1931: 446), through[+actional] (Jespersen 1933: 254) to [+gradual change] (Quirket al 1985: 803).

    A further idiosyncrasy revealed by Stein`s moreexhaustive corpus examples is that, as a rule, passive become,too, fails to connote the presence of an agent (1979: 42). Theactional character of this passive auxiliary is best broughtout, Stein claims, by substituting prototypical be for become inexamples such as [ ] our [] love could well becomeconfused => [] our [] love could well be confused,where the developing process (with an implied end) denoted inthe former is expressed in the latter simply as statal fact (op.cit., pp 45-6).

    With this interpretation in mind, and intent ondemonstrating that become passives have an area of applicationof their own, the German linguist places a further constraint onverbs combining with them, namely [-effected object], whichthus renders deviant sentences like

    * The book became written (cf Stein 1979: 44).

    II.5.2.2 Grow Passives

    Recourse to grow as a passive auxiliary seems to berather rare. Though very similar to become in this employment,grow, too, receives a distinctive, if for lack of sufficientcorpus examples very brief, analysis in Steins theory, inview of which [+psychological state] and [+physical state] arecharacteristic features of past participles accompanying it.

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    II.5.3 Authors Own View on the Topic

    Before advancing my own view on the topic, which,incidentally, differs considerably from the ones discussedabove, I submit to the readers attention the following datacorroborating it.

    Poutsma, admittedly, describes passive become as[+ingressive], but he immediately goes on to qualify hisstatement by adding that its force of indicating incipient actionis very weak, and furthermore, that this verb only vaguelyexpresses passiveness (cf 1926:100).Taking the reasoning astep further, Curme maintains that in combination with pastparticiples of verbs that have almost become pure adjectives,become does not indicate action at all, but merely thebeginning of a temporary or a final state (cf 1931: 447). ForZandvoort it is the getting into a state or a situation denotedby the participle that counts as a distinctive feature of getpassives when compared with ordinary passives (cf 1969:57).

    Finally, the ones who definitely drive home to us thelame tenability of get, become and grow passives are Palmer,on the one hand (cf 1974, p 89: Semantically, GET reportsboth the action and the resultant state) and Quirk et al, on theother, when claiming that: As a resulting copula, GET is oftenequivalent to BECOME (1985: 802).

    In order to better illuminate this point, let us consider,for instance, the examples below:

    a) We began to grow uneasy when the skin-diver didntappear (Downing & Locke 1992:99) and

    b) He grew increasingly frightened (Stein 1979:46).The most natural question springing to ones mind is:

    what major semantic difference do we detect between the twounderscored word strings as contextualized above? I mustconfess, in all frankness, that I see none at all (s. detailed

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    discussion on the topic in II.7.4. g) below). Nevertheless, a) hasbeen found listed by Downing and Locke as typical ofCopular verbs with one Complement which refer to aprocess of becoming ( cf 1992: 98), whereas b) is providedby Stein as a shining example of grow passive, though in boththe intensive relationship obtaining between subject andadjective, and subject and ed form respectively, is asconspicuous as ever (s. fuller discussion of the topic as well asof collocational restrictions with verbs like grow, sound, tasteand turn in Mciuc 2000 b:190).

    Reasoning along similar lines, Kruisinga admits as farback as 1925: Formally passive verbs [be tired], [beexhausted] have sometimes so little relation to the activetransitive verbs that it is doubtful if they should be interpretedas passive forms or as combinations of adjectives (participles)with a copula to be (op.cit., p.124), while Poutsma onlyreluctantly acknowledges a year later the feebleness of anyattempt at making clear-cut distinctions between the twofunctions copular and non-copular alledgedly assumed byverbs such as get, become and grow :When connected with a past participle to get is apt to lose itscharacter of a copula and assume a function which differs littlefrom that of to be as an auxiliary of the passive voice. Thealtered function of to get, of course, postulates a change in thegrammatical function of the participle, which from beingmainly adjectival, becomes almost purely verbal [] Somesuch modification of function may also be traced in to becomeand to grow, but with these verbs the change is lesspronounced, the participle being more retentive of its adjectivalfeatures, and the combination suggesting a gradual process(op.cit., I: 30, II: 99).

    Since, however, a plethora of factors is usually at workorchestrating a change, the possibility of multiple motivationmuddies the waters even deeper. To put it simply: given, on the

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    one hand, the wide scale of degrees between verbhood andadjectivehood of -ed forms, as well as the rather tenuouscopula-noncopula distinction in some cases, on the other, onemight with good reason express doubt as to whetherestablishing hard and fast principles for differentiating them isat all a sensible task. The more so as none other than Steinherself candidly admits at one point in her study that Furtherlexicalization which disrupts the semantic bond between theverb and the lexicalized past participle can then decrease thepassive set and increase the active set again because the pastparticiple will be regarded as a primary adjective (1979:165).

    Now that we have got all the facts laid out before us, weare homing in on the most logical way, to my mind, in whichcombinations of get, become and grow plus -ed forms can bebest construed: as spanning the whole wide passive-activespectrum, with regular passives at one end (where the -edforms are full-fledged participles, as in He got run over by acar), a majority of borderlines cases in between (where the -edforms are labelled fringe puzzles by hypercategorization-shyresearchers, cf They became related by marriage), and genuineintensive complementation at the other (where the -ed formsdisplay characteristic adjectival features, e.g. He grewincreasingly frightened).11

    11. S. in-depth discussion of -ed forms and table submitted in II.7.4. below.

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    II.6. Verbs Which Defy Passivisation

    II.6.1. The Out-And-Out Defiers

    If it is certainly the case that transitivity is a definingfeature of the passive for most linguists, it is equally the casethat rigorous explanations should be thought up to warrant allthose cases where a verb that is otherwise transitive cannotoccur in the passive.

    Given the vast number of transitive verbs (whethermono-, di-, or complex transitive), trying to draw up exhaustivelists for those transitive verbs of a language that defypassivisation may be next to impossible. Consequently, in theabsence of comprehensive dictionaries postulating with fullassurance the availability for passive use of every single lexicalentry of a verb, we could never be able to go beyond merehypotheses.

    That is precisely why it is simply the case that, as far aspassive affinities go, linguists have confined themselves so farto either coming closer to identifying individual exceptions assuch or to attempting to systematize these exceptions via theapplication of established rules accounting for them, andsubsequently squeeze every newly discovered exception intoone or the other of the classes in their individual systems.

    Since transitivity, however, is no longer regarded bycontemporary linguists as a syntactic precondition for passiveconstructions (s. in-depth discussion of the topic in Mciuc b):32-42, 53-59) though canonical views still dismiss thepassive of intransitive verbs as counter-definitional ,semantics had to be called on again to bridge the gulf. As aresult, the following two major semantic verb (meaning)classes have been declared passive-proof:

    a) verbs referring to a static relationship:accommodate, become, belong to, comprise, contain, cost,

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    depend on, entail, fit, have, hold, involve, lack, last, mean,measure, own, possess, presuppose, relate to, result from,suffice, suit, take, weigh

    b) verbs of equal reciprocity (also labelled symmetricverbs): equal, marry, resemble.Such verbs defy passivisation, Dawning & Locke claim, for thestraightforward reason that they denote relationships which areinherently non-extensive (cf 1992:56).

    Dixon is one of the very few linguists who deem it theirprime duty to bring semantics to bear on syntax by faithfullymotivating every single choice. For instance, since both entitiesaccompanying a symmetric verb may be placed in subject slot,there is no need, he argues, for a passive construction with suchverbs (cf 1992: 307). Likewise, since both poles of therelationship must be stated in the case of verbs referring to astatic relationship, their meaning is not normally open topassivisation, which allows the by phrase to be freely omitted.

    Nevertheless, exceptions do rear up their ugly head orpretty face, for semanticists or pragmaticians. Thus, in takingon extensive meanings including the feature [+ agentive], someof these stative verbs can be recategorized as activity verbs,hence as passive-friendly, e.g.:

    Im afraid youve been had [= tricked, deceived].Has the cholera outbreak been contained?

    [= prevented from spreading].The new lock has been fitted on the door [= put into place].His style was promptly suited to his puritan audience by

    the felicitous appeal to good old American virtues [= made fitor appropriate].

    Their ignorance is only equalled by their stupidity[= reaching the same standard/ level as => non-symmetric

    meaning].She has been measured this morning by Londons most

    famous dress designer. [= the designer has taken hermeasurements].

    This warning was meant for you [= intended].

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    On the other hand, emphatic or contrastive use can bebrought to bear on certain verbs to accept passivisation.Compare, for instance, the following two sentences:

    1) He owns a red car and 2) He owns the red car.Conversion into the passive of the former renders itsemantically deviant:

    *A red car is owned by him.If, however, Stein maintains, one or both noun phrasesinvolved have an additional flavour to them, i.e. they are beingemphasized by means of stress, intonation or the semanticfeature [+definite], a passive seems perfectly acceptable:

    The car is owned by him (cf 1979: 94-5).In other words, semantic constraints are susceptible ofviolation due to enforcement of linguistic contrast.

    Steins final statement on the matter is that such verbsas those discussed above in this section are semantically statalverbs and therefore lack the semantic characteristic forpassivization (1979: 97). I beg to differ. Think, for instance, isas much a stative verb as are the ones in question, and yet apassive construction is common usage in formal styles, e.g.:

    The government is thought to be planning an electionin June (LDELC: 1401).To my mind, it is rather the semantic feature [+agentive] thatmakes all the difference (see also Mciuc 2004: 85-115 formore detailed investigation of the topic).

    A further group of verbs that are only occasionallyfound in the passive includes specimens such as enjoy, know,believe, join, which Dixon labels verbs that inherently focuson the subject. Since, for this activity, the Australian linguistclaims (1992: 309), the subject must be more important thanthe object, a passive construction would be most inappropriatein this case.

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    II.6.2 Coreferentiality and Passiveness

    Coreferentiality is regarded by many a linguist (cfPoutsma 1926:108, Jespersen 1927 III:300, Huddleston 1971:94, Quirk et al 1985: 806, Palmer 1974:87) as a furtherinsurmountable stumbling block to passive use.12

    Intent on shattering generally held views, Stein adducesin her logic-chopping study redoubtable evidence to thecontrary. As a result of the fact that her corpus material yieldedsufficient examples in this respect, she claims that activesentences with possessive pronouns in object position whichimply coreference with the subject CAN be passivised ifobligatory omission of the agent phrase takes effect, e.g.:

    His face was washed (cf 1979:101).Steins investigation sheds light on yet another aspect:

    the inverse correlation obtaining between passiveness andidiomatization, as illustrated by the above example, in sharpcontrast to the ones below :

    *His shoulders were shrugged (ib.)*His hand was waved by Tom (Downing&Locke 1992: 42).With reflexivity, the picture is equally blurred. Whereas

    some linguists cold-shoulder reflexive constructions as a whole(cf Poutsma 1926: 98, Quirk et al 1985: 808, Downing & Locke1992: 42), others cautiously refrain from making categoricalstatements on the topic. Thus Jespersen (1927 III: 301),Huddleston (1971: 95), Halliday (1968:189) all claim that someverbs (taking reflexive as well as other objects, with the reflexive if used obligatory) can have a contrastive passive, e.g. :

    He is praised by himself.

    12 Cf 1972, pp 805-806: Coreference between subject and nominalobject blocks the passive transformation, and occurs with (a) reflexive, (b)reciprocal and (c) possessive pronouns in the object. Normally, however,transitive verbs with other nominal objects passivize.

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    On reciprocity and the passive, Poutsmas is a mostconvincing voice. He argues that passives are accepted, if stillregarded as highly uncommon, when the sequence ofreciprocal pronouns occurs disrupted, e.g.:

    Each was betrayed by the other (cf 1926: 98).Conflating both levels discussed above (i.e. the

    syntactic one represented by transitivity, and the semantic levelon which coreference is grounded), cognateness has been longsince exposed as another passive-proof area (cf Kruisinga1925:112, Poutsma 1926:112). Steins is again one of the mostcompetent voices on the topic: In non-contrastive, non-emphatic use passivization is not possible since the sphere of thedenoted action is not directed, it does not go beyond the sphereof the subject itself: to smile a smile is equivalent to to smile,and he smiled a kind smile means he smiled kindly(1979:109-110), while Jespersens (1927 III: 301) is among the first toraise objections in this direction13 and Dixons one of the mostrecent ones to chime in with his view by claiming that cognatenoun phrases can only in fairly specific circumstances be madethe object of a passive construction a claim which he furthersupports by citing the following example:

    The same dream was dreamt by all of my brothersas perfectly acceptable (cf 1992:118).

    13 See also the following comment by Poutsma: But when the cognateobject is not attended by an adnominal modifier, so that no description ofthe manner of the activity is intended, the verb may assume a meaningwhich is not incompatible with the function of the passive voice;thus, in :

    The sin is sinnd,.. with whom life is to be lived. (1926 II: 112).

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    II. 7 The Fuzzy Logic of the Active PassiveOpposition

    II. 7. 1 Passivum Tantum14 and BasicallyPassive Verbs

    Discrepancy of opinions on the issue at stake is mostprobably due to the fact that analyses of such cases are cast interms of different, sometimes even opposite, sets of typologicalparameters, i.e. either theoretically or pragmatically based ones.

    Thus, one of the first to attempt making an inventory ofpassivum tantum verbs is Robson in his doctoral dissertation(1972). Regrettably, he avoids laying down tenable criteriaunderlying his arguable classification. That also accounts forthe sad fact that the listed items make up a rather motleycollection including, besides bona fide past participles,modified ones and denominal adjectives (s. for instance, formsl