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Investeste in oameni! FONDUL SOCIAL EUROPEAN POS DRU 2007-2013 - Axa prioritară 1: „Educaţia şi formarea profesională în sprijinul creşterii economice şi dezvoltării societăţii bazate pe cunoaştere” Domeniul major de intervenţie: 1.5 „Programe doctorale şi post -doctorale în sprijinul cercetării” Numărul de identificare al contractului: POSDRU/187/1.5/S/155589 Titlul proiectului: „Competitivitate și excelență în cercetarea doctorală în domeniul științelor politice, științelor administrative, sociologie și științele comunicării” NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF POLITICAL STUDIES AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION MULTIDISCIPLINARY DOCTORAL SCHOOL FIELD OF STUDY: POLITICAL SCIENCE DOCTORAL THESIS ABSTRACT PhD Advisor, Prof. Iordan Gheorghe BĂRBULESCU, PhD PhD Student, FILIMON Luiza-Maria BUCHAREST 2017

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Page 1: DOCTORAL THESIS ABSTRACT - SNSPAdoctorat.snspa.ro/.../Abstract-ENG-Filimon-Luiza-Maria-Doctoral-Thes… · DOCTORAL THESIS – ABSTRACT ... The present thesis aims to analyze the

Investeste in oameni!

FONDUL SOCIAL EUROPEAN POS DRU 2007-2013 - Axa prioritară 1: „Educaţia şi formarea profesională în sprijinul creşterii economice şi dezvoltării societăţii bazate pe cunoaştere” Domeniul major de intervenţie: 1.5 „Programe doctorale şi post-doctorale în sprijinul cercetării” Numărul de identificare al contractului: POSDRU/187/1.5/S/155589 Titlul proiectului: „Competitivitate și excelență în cercetarea doctorală în domeniul științelor politice, științelor administrative,

sociologie și științele comunicării”

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF POLITICAL STUDIES

AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION MULTIDISCIPLINARY DOCTORAL SCHOOL

FIELD OF STUDY: POLITICAL SCIENCE

DOCTORAL THESIS

– ABSTRACT –

PhD Advisor,

Prof. Iordan Gheorghe BĂRBULESCU, PhD

PhD Student,

FILIMON Luiza-Maria

BUCHAREST

2017

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Investeste in oameni!

FONDUL SOCIAL EUROPEAN POS DRU 2007-2013 - Axa prioritară 1: „Educaţia şi formarea profesională în sprijinul creşterii economice şi dezvoltării societăţii bazate pe cunoaştere” Domeniul major de intervenţie: 1.5 „Programe doctorale şi post-doctorale în sprijinul cercetării” Numărul de identificare al contractului: POSDRU/187/1.5/S/155589 Titlul proiectului: „Competitivitate și excelență în cercetarea doctorală în domeniul științelor politice, științelor administrative,

sociologie și științele comunicării”

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF POLITICAL STUDIES

AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION MULTIDISCIPLINARY DOCTORAL SCHOOL

FIELD OF STUDY: POLITICAL SCIENCE

THE POSTSTRUCTURALIST THEORY

IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

DECONSTRUCTING

DIPLOMATIC AND SECURITY PRACTICES

IN THE CONTEMPORARY PERIOD

PhD Advisor,

Prof. Iordan Gheorghe BĂRBULESCU, PhD

PhD Student,

FILIMON Luiza-Maria

BUCHAREST

2017

Beneficiary of the project “Competitiveness and Excellence in Doctoral Research in the fields of Political

Sciences, Administrative Sciences, Sociology and Communication Sciences” (POSDRU/187/1.5/S/155589).

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Abbreviations

List of Figures

List of Tables

INTRODUCTION

● Relevance of Research Topic

● Terminological Clarifications: Poststructuralism vs. Postmodernism

● The State of the Field: Romanian IR and Subfield IR Theories

● Brief Presentation of the Bibliographic Sources

● Research Context

● Research Questions and Objectives

● Structure of Research

○ Chapter I: IR Theory and Disciplinary History

○ Chapter II: The Advent of Postpositivism in IR

○ Chapter III: The Poststructuralist Theory: Challenging Disciplinary Order

○ Chapter IV: The Method of Poststructuralism: Discourse Analysis

○ Chapter V: Security: More than Just a Concept

○ Chapter VI: Diplomacy: Theorizing the Mediation of Estrangement

○ Chapter VII: Imminence, Terror, and Preeemption: The Anatomy of a Discourse

– Part I –

CHAPTER I

AN OVERVIEW OF THE FIELD OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. REVIEWING

THE “GREAT DEBATES” NARRATIVE

I.1. Introductive Elements

I.2. Theory of International Relations and the Great Debates

I.2.1. What Makes a Theory?

I.2.2. The Framework of the Debates: An Unstable Analytic

I.3. A IR Tale about Binary Pairs

I.3.1. Great Debate Summaries

I.3.2. The First Great Debate: Realism versus Idealism

I.3.3. The Second Great Debate: Traditionalism versus Behavioralism

(Positivism)

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I.3.4. The Third Great Debate or the Inter-Paradigm Debate: (Neo)realism,

(Neo)liberalism, and (Neo)Marxism

I.3.5. The Fourth Great Debate: Rationalism versus Reflectivism

I.3.6. Postmodernism, Poststructuralism, and the Fourth Debate

I.4. The Field of IR in the Aftermath of the Great Debates

CHAPTER II

REVISITING DISSIDENCE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY:

INTERPRETIVISM, POST-POSITIVISM, ANTI-FOUNDATIONALISM

II.1. General Considerations

II.1.1. The Meta-theoretical Predispositions in IR

II.2. On the Issue of Traditions and Myths in IR

II.2.1. The Role of Political Theory Tradition in IRT

II.2.2. Critical Views of Tradition in IR

II.3. Research Paradigms in IR Theory

II.3.1. Positivism

II.3.2. Interpretivism

II.3.3. Post-positivism

II.3.4. Anti-foundationalism

CHAPTER III

POSTSTRUCTURALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: AN OUTLIER

THEORY

III.1. Terminological Specifications: Postmodernism vs. Poststructuralism

III.2. Poststructuralism and the Fourth Debate

III.2.1. Relation with Reflectivism, Postpositivism, and Anti-foundationalism

III.2.2. The Poststructuralist Critique of Neorealism

III.2.3. Poststructuralism and the Accusation of Obscurantism

III.3. Point of Origin: The French Poststructuralist Connection?

III.4. Meta-theoretical Considerations

III.4.1. A Poststructuralist Meta-Theoretical Critique of Mainstream

Theorization

III.4.2. The Poststructuralist Relation with Ontology, Epistemology, and

Methodology

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III.5. The Discursive Universe of Poststructuralism

III.5.1. The Importance of Language

III.5.2. On the Issues of Power and Discourse

III.6. Research Preoccupations

III.6.1. Power

III.6.2. Sovereignty

III.6.3. Identity

CHAPTER IV

AN ATTEMPT TO CONFIGURE A POSTSTRUCTURALIST RESEARCH

FRAMEWORK THROUGH DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

IV.1. Defining Discourse in Discourse Analysis

IV.2. Discourse Analysis and Poststructuralism

IV.2.1. Points of Contention? Structuralism versus Poststructuralism

IV.2.2. The Contribution of Michel Foucault to the Study of Discourse

IV.2.3. Jacques Derrida’s View on Discourse

IV.3. Poststructuralist Forms of Analysis: Strategies and Methods

IV.3.1. Grammatology

IV.3.2. Deconstruction

IV.3.3. Archaeology

IV.3.4. Genealogy

IV.4. Approaches to Discourse Analysis

IV.4.1. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s Discourse Theory

IV.4.2. Critical Discourse Analysis

IV.4.3. Foucauldian Discourse Analysis

IV.5. Methodological Tools for Conducting Discourse Analysis

IV.5.1. Predication

IV.5.2. Presupposition

IV.5.3. Subject Positioning

IV.5.4. Articulation

IV.5.5. Interpellation

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– Part Two –

CHAPTER V

MEDIATING ESTRANGEMENT: A POSTSTRUCTURALIST ANALYSIS OF

DIPLOMACY

V.1. Studying Diplomacy: Views on the “Dearth” of Theorization

V.1.1. A Most Serendipitous Connection

V.1.2. The Absence of a Meta-theoretical Tradition on Diplomacy

V.2. Diplomacy and the Discourse of Otherness

V.2.1. A Post-Classical Approach to Diplomacy

V.2.2. Several Observations on Der Derian’s Theorization of Diplomacy

V.2.3. A Genealogy of Diplomacy

V.3. Review of Diplomatic Paradigms

V. 3.1. Mytho-diplomacy and Proto-diplomacy

V. 3.2. The Paradigm

V.3.3. Anti-diplomacy, Neo-diplomacy, and Techno-diplomacy

V.4. Of Old Orders and New: The Emergence of a Contemporary Antidiplomacy

V.4.1. Remnants of Yesteryear: The State, the Binary, and Diplomacy

V.4.2. Transmitting from the End of History: Views on the Post-Cold War International

Context

CHAPTER VI

A POSTSTRUCTURALIST APPROACH TO SECURITY

VI.1. Conceptual Positioning

VI.2. The Poststructuralist Theory and the Subfield of Security Studies

VI.2.1. Security Studies during the Cold War

VI.2.2. Strategic Studies, Peace Rearch, and the Origins of the

Poststructuralist Theorizing of Security

V.2.3. Anti-foundational Views of Security

VI.3. Security, Language, and Discourse

VI.3.1. On the Structuralist and Poststructuralist View of Language

VI.3.2. Foucault, Derrida, and the Analysis of Security

VI.3.3. Security and the Issue of Discursive Practices

VI.3.4. Security as Speech Act

VI.3.5. Security as Thick Signifier

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VI.3.6. Security as Empty and Floating Signifier

VI.4. Contemporary Security Practices: In Search of a Purposeful Meaning

VI.4.1. Poststructuralist Views on Contemporary Security: Between

Convention and Contestation

VI.4.2. Assessment of Post-Cold War Security Practices

VI.5. From One Post to Another: Security Practices after Post-September 11, 2001 .. 245

VI.5.1. Terrorism and the New International Security Context

VI.5.2. Global War on Terror and the Politics of Pre-emption: Implications

for (Inter)(national) Security

VI.5.3. Poststructuralist Directions for the Study of Security in the Context of the Global

War on Terror

– Part Three –

CHAPTER VII

THE ANATOMY OF A DISCOURSE: IMMINENT THREAT AND PREEMPTION

VII.1. Chapter Overview

VII.1.1. Scope, Methods, and Limits of Research

VII.2. Discursive Qualifications

VII.3. Lawful Provisions on Self-Defense and the Temporal Criterion in the

Conception of Imminence

VII.3.1. U.N. Charter

VII.3.2. International Customary Law

VII.3.3. The Bush Doctrine and the “New Imminence”

VII.3.4. The Obama Doctrine: Different Rhetoric, Similar Conception

VII.4. The Case for the Intervention against the Khorasan Terror Group

VII.4.1. Context Overview: Syrian Civil War, ISIS, and Iraqi Security Crisis

VII.4.2. The Imminent Threat Posed by the Khorasan Group: Media Coverage Prior

to the U.S. Airstrikes

VII.4.3. Public Statements in the Aftermath of the U.S. Strikes against Khorasan

VII.5. On the Legality of the U.S. Strikes against Khorasan

VII.6. Assessing the (Broad) Meaning of “Imminence” in the Official Statements

Made after the Intervention against Khorasan

VII.6.1. Attorney General Eric Holder

VII.6.2. Pentagon Press Officer Rear Adm. John Kirby

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VII.6.3. F.B.I. Director James Comey

VII.7. The Textual Mechanisms at Play in the Construction of the Khorasan Group as

an Imminent Threat

VII.7.1. Predication

VII.7.2. Presupposition

VII.7.3. Subject Positioning

VII.8. Final Observations

CONCLUSIONS

● Research Overview

● Limitations of Research

● Contribution to the Field of International Relations in Romania

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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● General Considerations

At the center of the poststructuralist theory (PT) in International Relations (IR), we find a

preoccupation for uncovering the role played by language in the production and reproduction of

the world. At first glance, a concern with language might seem like a rather inadequate way to

approach international relations given that – somewhere “out there” – there is a global reality

which functions and produces effects independent of our explanations and interpretations. This

world – comprised of states and statesmen, global flows and borders, citizens and immigrants,

wars, conflicts, terrorist atttacks, and arms stockpiles – is undisputably tactile and tangible, with

its very own materiality and pre-set texture. Having said this, language provides the outlet for

articulating this world we find ourselves in. Language is therefore a medium to interact with the

world and to envelop it with meaning. While the field of International Relations has – to various

degrees of success – supported theoretical diversity in place of theoretical monopolies, it is not

until the postpositivist theoretical wave, in general, and the language turn, in particular, that what

was once taken as a given (the external world) started to be problematized in terms of the role

played by power and knowledge in the construction of certain discurses about the world.

Up until this point, the study of language per se had not been a preoccupation for IR and

language was regarded as a desinterested and neutral medium, being taken for granted in terms

of research. Given this premise, poststructuralism does not reject the world as we know it, nor

does it set out to reinvent it or to revolutionize it. While its reputation for radical transgressions

precedes it, the poststructuralist theory has been rather conservative in its outreach. After all, as

David Campbell remarks, poststructuralism “is not a new paradigm or theory of IR, [but] [...]

rather, a critical attitude or ethos”1. In this sense, PT questions the deeply ingrained notions that

provide the world with rhyme and reason. It looks at the way in which language enables certain

modalities to know the world and assesses how those modalities came to be in the first place. In

operating with language and analyzing discourses, poststructuralism attempts to illustrate how

the world we are so familiar with results from the naturalization of a particular worldview –

worldview that takes the mantle of universality.

The field of International Relations (IR) while undeniably owes part of its development as a

social science to rationalist, positivist, and empiricist influences, has never let itself be captured

by a single, monolithical approach. While not all theories are created equal, the fact remains that

IR provides a theoretical plurality with which we can engage the world of global politics. In turn,

this plurality tells us that there is an disciplinary aperture to entertain even those positions more

inclined to question the orthodoxy rather than to simply embody it or adapt to it.

1 David Campbell, “Poststructuralism”, in International Relations Theories.Discipline and Diversity (Third Edition),

ed. Tim Dunne, Milja Kurki, and Steve Smith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 223.

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The present thesis aims to analyze the poststructuralist theory in the disciplinary context

of the field of IR. Because the poststructuralist theory has a meta-theoretical dimension that

revolves around a theorization of the IR theoretical fabric, the research follows two main tracks

of inquiry: at the level of the discipline and at the poststructuralist level. In other words, the

study will include both an investigation of how the PT relates to the world of international

relations as well as to how International Relations as a field of study can be researched in

particular. The purpose of this research engagement aims to understand how particular

contemporary meanings associated with certain concepts and practices came to be realized.

Divided in three parts, the thesis focuses in the first four chapters on an ontological,

epistemological, and methodological overview of the poststructuralist theory, its place in IR, and

the preferred methods to study IR (focusing specifically on discourse analysis). In the second

part, chapter V and chapter VI look into how IR concepts such as “diplomacy” and “security”

can be studied from a poststructuralist point of view while also looking into the way

contemporary diplomatic and security practices are produced and reproduced in the post-Cold

War period. Finally, the third part comprises of a discourse analysis application that illustrates

the high volatility of meaning across different types of discourse.

● Relevance of Research

The present subject matter attempts to illustrate how certain practices with which we operate

in the study of IR and which produce policy effects, become normalized and naturalized. We see

this, for example, in the way terror and the Global War on Terror have changed the way in which

objects – like security, and subjects – like the current instantiation of the Other – are represented

and operated with in the contemporary period. The relevance of the theme stems from the fact

that this research counts among a select few number of studies that have based their analysis on

innovative IR theoretical approaches. More importantly, given the scope and the breadth of

issues analyzed, the study constitutes an original addition to the Romanian field of IR, in general,

and of the subfield of International Relations Theories, in particular2. Additionally, as can be

seen from the reference list, the reader is provided with an extensive and novel IR literature that

expands the way Romanian IR can be conducted by introducing the field to outside influences

such as French social theory as well as to various types of discourse analysis3.

2 It represents a continuation and expansion of earlier research endeavors on poststructuralism in IR that were at the

center of the author’s B.A. thesis (2011) and M.A. dissertation (2013). 3 Both aspects are covered extensively in the sections and chapters dedicated to them.

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● Terminological Clarifications

In the IR literature, there is a tendency to operate with poststructuralism and postmodernism

in an interchangeable manner even though the theorists associated with this approach might

reject such a broad generalization that erases the specific particularities of the two terms4. Jill

Steans et al. consider that as far as IR is concerned, there is a certain terminological overlap

between the two terms5. To put things in perspective, postmodernism functions as an umbrella-

term for a movement that emerges after the end of the Second World War and especially after

the 1950s and 1960s, centered around a critique of modernity and of the Enlightenment project.

On the other hand, while the apparition of poststructuralism also dates to this period in history, it

isassociated with the structuralist branch of linguistics and refers specifically to a critical

engagement with language – “with the nature, role and function of language”6. In other words,

with how language constructs (social) meaning, being more closely related with the linguistic

version of (post)structuralism. While admitting that there is a certain overlap between the two

notions, Ben Agger makes the following distinction and refers to poststructuralism as a “theory

of knowledge and language”, while postmodernism is better understood as “a theory of society,

culture, and history”7. In IR, the two notions are often times indistinguishable from one another

because they draw from the same heterogeneous theoretical mix comprising of linguistic, social,

political, and philosophical elements associated with a critical ethos that, in particular, references

the writings of Jacques Derrida and Michel Foucault8.

The present analysis is influenced by more by the linguistic version of poststructuralism and

less by the postmodernist relation to culture. In this regard, the research makes use of the

poststructuralist toolbox in order to analyze de maner in which (social) language is constructed

as well as the way in which discursive practices operate in practice. In this sense, the study

operates with the notion of “poststructuralism” not just out of some authorial stylistic

convention, but because the research employs a language based approach stemming from

structural linguistics and its poststructural corollary. In this regard, the critical analysis employed

4 For an accessible analysis distinguishing between the two terms in so far as continental philosophy and French

social theory are concerned, refer to the sections on poststructuralism (111-115) and postmodernism (115-118) from

Ben Agger’s article “Critical Theory, Poststructuralism, Postmodernism: Their Sociological Relevance”, Annual

Review of Sociology 17 (1991): 105-131. 5 Jill Steans et al., An Introduction to International Relations Theory. Perspectives and Themes (Third Edition) (Oxon and New York: Pearson Education Limited, 2010), 130. 6 Ibid. 7 Agger, “Critical Theory, Poststructuralism, Postmodernism”, 112. 8 The two are often regarded as exponents of “French poststructuralism” though as Richard Shapcott remarks, it is

debatable whether the two of them can be put in this category “without doing significant violence to either of them”.

(Richard Shapcott, Justice, Community, and Dialogue in International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 2001), 61). The notion of a French “poststructuralism” is also contested given that the term is most often

associated with a second order literature that is preponderantly non-French, rather than with the alleged

representatives of the movement. This issue is more closely analyzed in the third chapter, in the section dedicated to

“French poststructuralism” (sic).

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throughout the chapters – especially in relations to various contemporary IR discourses and

practices – is grounded in a study of language that accounts for the properties of terms, the

contexts that allow certain meanings to proliferate while silencing others, as well as for their

practical impact. In support of this assessment, I linked the theory to discourse analysis – which

not only serves as a method through which PT can be instrumentalized, but it is also

representative of a distinct approach to the study of international relations and of foreign policy9.

● Research Context

Theories are an intrinsic part of the field of International Relations. On the surface, this

observation in itself does not seem to provide a remarkable insight on the inner workings of the

field. After all, any respectable social science relies on its own array of theories in order to

understand how the social world operates. From the end of the XIXth century onwards, we have

witnessed how social sciences have started to shed the influence of the humanities and moved

towards scientific professionalization. In this sense, the field of IR is not an outlier: it too has

underwent various evolutive stages as I will further elaborate in the first chapter. Yet, where IR

distinguishes itself from its fellow bretherns is in the way it puts the process of self-actualization

at center of the discipline. Nowhere is this aspect better witnessed then in the sub-field of IRT.

It can be argued that theories are at the forefront of IR and that the object of study occupies a

secondary position. This does not deny the existence of a “real” world, outside the pages of a

text, a complex world full of actors, objects, processes, and mechanisms that function

irrespective of what some theoretical provision might prescribe. Placing the theories at the

forefront of IR exemplifies Jacques Derrida’s notion that “there is no outside-text” with the

implication being that one cannot grasp “the real” outside an “interpretive experience”10. This

aspect is more prominent in IR because of the way in which the development of this scientific

discipline has been devised in terms of the overarching framework of the “Great Debates”. From

an analytical point of view, framing a field’s disciplinary history around what is essentially a

foundational myth might not be the most appropriate way to create the basis for a scientific

discipline. After all, as Peter Wagner remarks, one of the main reasons for why social sciences

exit the tutelage of the humanities is because of their “claim to provide valid knowledge about

9 See: Lene Hansen, “Discourse Analysis, Post-structuralism, and Foreign Policy”, in Foreign Policy. Theories,

Actors, Cases (Second Edition), ed. Steve Smith, Amelia Hadfield, and Tim Dunne (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 2012), 97. 10 Jacques Derrida, “Afterword: Towards an Ethic of Discussion”, in Limited Inc, trans. Samuel Weber (Evanston,

IL: Northwestern University Press, 1988), 148.

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the world”11. In IR, Yosef Lapid observes, the criticisms of the classical approach to the history

of the discipline “have in no way crippled the staying power or popularity of the debate

approach”12. Renouncing the framework of the “Great Debates” would not even be possible

since even though the Debates might not fully capture the breadth of the theoretical positions

coexisting at different disciplinarian stages, they represent the way in which the IR discipline has

been structured. The existence of such a diverse array of theories (ranging from classical realism

to Green theory) is no small thing if we stop to consider that they operate next to certain theories

– beginning with the influence of the American behaviorist current in IR and continuing later on,

with the neorealist – neoliberal consensus – that occupy hegemonic positions in the discipline.

From a pedagogical point of view, tying the field’s developmental process to the support

structure of the Great Debates acts as a convenient mnemonic device. It would not even be

possible to capture the complexity of IRT without the assistance of a theoretical shortcut

precisely because in a very short ammount of time, the discipline was confronted with a high

proliferation rate of theoretical positions. From the onset, this tells us that the field is not defined

by a consensus, but by contestation and dissidence. While the theoretical challengers might not

be able to topple the dominant positions and might even be pushed to the margins of the

discipline, they nonetheless signify the fact that the house of IR remains open to all those that

might provide an insight into the workings of international relations both as a field and as well as

an object of study. The “Great Debates” might inconvenience the sensibilities of those who

would like to have a well organized discipline that establishes once and for all the right way to

study IR, which sets the limits on what is acceptable and inacceptable, and which insists that

contestation be reduced to a minimum. It has been argued that too much internal disagreement

hurts the discipline, making it therefore unstable, and potentially sending it on the road to

become a failed discipline, echoing those failed states that are part of its object of study.

Today, this sentiment is shared by many who argue that the debates have lost their

usefullness, that while they may have been necessary in the beginning when the discipline was

still young, now, they pose a hindrance to the integrity of IR. Yet, IR is coherent because of the

Great Debates and not in spite how them, they help us understand how IR works. The Debates

highlight the play of power and privilege in the way some theories are readily embraced while

others are treated as gratuitous spoilers of the scientific cause. As Ole Wæver remarks “[t]heories

are shaped by their immediate social setting, that is, the academic scene (and only to a much

11 Peter Wagner, A History and Theory of the Social Sciences. Not All that Is Solid Melts into Air (London,

Thousand Oaks, CA, and New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2001), 1. 12 Yosef Lapid, “Sculpting the Academy Identity: Disciplinary Reflections at the Dawn of a New Millenium”, in

Visions of International Relations: Assessing an Academic Field, ed. Donald J. Puchala (Columbia, SC: University

of South Carolina, 2002), 4.

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lower degree by external factors relating to political developments)”13. The fact that the social

setting is as important if not more important to the study of IR than the field’s penchant for

constant self-actualization is a feature, not a bug. In terms of “market presence”, while

theoretical hegemonies tend to accaparate the discipline and influence policy – as seen for

example, in the American IR – the field fundamentally rejects the establishment of a

“monopoly”. This is due to the fact that in IR, theories are hardly ever made redundant or

replaced, but coexist next each other and evolve in order to adapt themselves both relation to

new emerging social settings as well as in relation to contemporary developments in IR.

Having set the stage, the emergence of the poststructuralist theory in IR during the 1980s

appears as a natural progression. By this point in time, if we look at the field’s chronology, IR

had already been through three stages of development. The first one evidenced by the First

Debate was concerned with the ontological aspects of the field covering the interwar years and

the subsequent period post-Second Word War. It sought to ascertain the essence of the relations

between states. In the 1950s and 1960s, the second stage had been preoccupied with issues

related to methodology. In other words, the Second Debate revolved around an attempt to

determine what was “the most reliable way to study international relations”. It pitted the

traditionalists against the behavioralists14. The first camp was in favor of interpretive

historiography and historical sociology, whereas the others advocated for a science of IR

grounded in objective laws. Finally, influenced by Thomas Kuhn15, the third stage was

interparadigmatic and regarded the very nature of scientific development, dividing IR into three

main paradigms – realism, liberal pluralism, and structuralism (or Marxism / Neo-Marxism).

These paradigms had distinct views on IR and were concerned with different issues: state power

and international anarchy, interdependence and cooperation or inequality and underdevelopment.

The advent of the Fourth Debate will bring into the fold of the discipline, a series of theories that

distinctly position themselves in contrast to their older peers while at the same time, not having

too much in common between themselves either. It is at this point that an IR poststructuralist

theory begins to coalesce around a critique of realism and sets in motion a reflectivist wave that

challenges the positivist order.

While PT is considered a radical theory, criticized for its tendency to be prolix and

obfuscating when not outright relativistic and destructive, the theory can be easier to understand

if we think of it in terms of “checks and balances”. Its critique of realism seeks precisely to

13 Ole Wæver, “Still a Discipline After All These Debates”, in International Relations Theories. Discipline and

Diversity (IIIrd Edition), ed. Tim Dunne, Milja Kurki, and Steve Smith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 317. 14 Donald J. Puchala, Theory and History in International Relations (New York and Oxon: Routledge, 2003), 217. 15 Published in 1962, Kuhn’s seminal work The Structure of Scientific Revolutions argued that what we consider

“normal science” results from a paradigmatic interplay.

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denaturalize those truths that we take for granted when we think about the world. In this sense, it

looks at the ingrained minutiae that are part and parcel of IR’s most valuable concepts and

attempts to illustrate how they are non just impenetrable objects that happen to exist in the

international system and influence reality, but how they are, first and foremost, products of

power and discourse. Framed in this way, poststructuralism stops being what some have

considered to be “the most radical or non-mainstream perspective on the terrain of IR”16 and

becomes a theory that is much more accessible to study and operate with than one might initially

think. After all, power, sovereignty, anarchy, security, diplomacy or foreign policy are notions

on which IR is built. What differs is the fact that they are approached with critical-tinted glasses

that focus on what David Campbell considers to be “the importance of representation, the

relationship of power and knowledge, and the politics of identity to the production and

understanding of global politics”17.

● Research Design, Research Questions, and Objectives

In a previous section I have noted that the Romanian study of IRT, in general, and of PT, in

particular, is rather underdeveloped. The present study attempts to fill the gap in the literature by

proposing a multi-pronged incursion into the field of International Relations theories. In terms of

research design, the present thesis comprises of seven chapters divided in three parts (field and

theory analysis, concept analysis, theory application) and structured around two main research

tracks: 1) the relation of poststructuralism to the subfield of IRT and 2) the application of PT in

the field of IR and in its underlying subfields such Security Studies, Diplomatic Studies or

Terrorism Studies. The first track concerns the relation between the poststructuralist theory and

the subdiscipline of IRT, while the second regards how the theory can be applied to the study of

IR concepts and practices. The general objective of this research endeavor has been therefore to

provide an extensive analysis of poststructuralism in International Relations divided across five

levels of analysis: 1) context (chapters one and two); 2) theoretical stance (chapter three);

3) methodology (chapter four); 4) concept analysis (chapter five and six); and 5) analiză de

discurs (chapter 7). Following this, several secondary objectives have been identified which

seek: 1) to analyze the origins of poststructuralism in IR from a disciplinary and meta-theoretical

position; 2) to analyze the theory in relation to French social theory, (post)structural linguistics,

and other IR theories, in particular neorealism; 3) to identify a potential poststructuralist research

16 See: Emanuel Adler, “Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World Politics”, European Journal of

International Relations 3, no. 3 (September 1997): 319-63, referred to by Hansen, “Discourse Analysis”, 97. 17 Campbell, “Poststructuralism”, 223.

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framework in IR by examining the influence of French theorists (Foucault, Derrida) associated

with the poststructuralist strand of continental philosophy, to the development of certain types of

discourse analysis; 4) to apply PT to the study of IR concepts and practices (diplomacy and

security); and 5) to design an exercise in discourse analysis in order to illustrate the

poststructuralist theory’s concern with the fluidity of language and the instability of meaning.

The primary research questions that address these objectives concern issues such as: 1) how is it

possible for the field of IR to be so amenable to theoretical diversity?; 2) what type of theory is

PT?; 3) what are its main research preoccupations?; and 4) how can IR concepts be theorized and

instrumentalized in terms of the textual strategies proposed by PT?

The first track addresses the development of the field of IR, its particularities as an area of

study, its engagement with multiple posibilities for knowledge. In this regard, the secondary

research questions that have been entertained and which the study has sought to answer involved

understanding what makes a theory, what purpose it serves, and how – depending on the answer

to these questions – does theory influence both the way we perceive the field of IR and the way

in which we analyze the world. Therefore, the first two chapters and several sections from the

third, fifth, and sixth chapters examine the state of IR and of its subdisciplines (IRT, Security

Studies, Diplomatic Studies), the relation between the field and the “outside world”, as well as

how poststructuralism fits in this framework (what it stands for in the field and what it

contributes to the process of knowledge).

The first track is divided in two subdivisions which concern the poststructuralist theory in

terms of its place in the context of the IRT subdiscipline (first chapter) and in the context of the

meta-theoretical position adopted by PT (second chapter).The objective has been to ascertain

how a poststructuralist approach studies IR concepts in relation to the broader disciplinary

context, how the theoretical perspective is not insulated from its peers, but instead, becomes

instantiated in its critique of the orthodoxy. After all, the specificity of PT results precisely from

the fact that PT is not an ordinary theory and maybe that it is not a theory at all, but more of a

“critical attitude or ethos that explores the assumptions” on which IR is based by addressing the

modality in which the discipline “ʻmaps’ the world”18.

The concern with the way in which the discipline “maps the world” ties into the second

track and regards those aspects related to theoretical, methodological, and conceptual

construction. PT argues that we cannot divorce the object of study from its representation, that

power is involved in the process of knowledge, and that “the production and understanding”19 of

international relations is tributary to the politics of identity. In other words, PT is interested in

18 Ibid., 223. 19 Ibid.

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the “map of the world” only in so far as it reveals what a theory stands for. If other theories are

preoccupied with constructing a map of the world, with identifying its components, functions,

and processes as well as with explaining how these elements influence the behavior of actors, the

course of events or the way certain things happen a certain way, poststructuralism wants to know

how the map is made possible in the first place.

As Campbell observes, poststructuralism does not set out to develop its very own paradigm

or to construct a set of prescriptions comparable to other theories. Instead, it advances an entirely

different set of “questions and concerns” that has to do more with understanding how theories –

rather than the world – work20. Having said this, the research questions on which this second

track of research has been designed around concern “how things are known?”, “what confers

meaning to a thing?” as well as “who dispenses the knowledge?”. In this sense, I combined the

theoretical position with a broader conceptualization and operationalizaton of discourse. In IR,

not only do PT and discourse analysis complement one another, but PT is, in part, responsible for

introducing discourse analysis to the study of IR and especially to the study of foreign policy.

The objective has been to establish how at both a meta-theoretical level and also at an IR level,

theories and actors alike (such as states for example) seek – in Lene Hansen’s view – “to uphold

particular visions of themselves”21 which are enabled only in and through specific discourses.

Poststructuralism considers that in order to understand how “particular visions” came to be, we

need to look more closely at the role played by language and at the power language wields in

constructing knowledge. Since poststructuralists operated with the notion of “discourse” in order

to showcase the “power of language”, the second track has been aimed at highlighting what is

known about a certain practice, what can be known, and what exactly presupposes this act of

knowing in a poststructuralist perspective22. In this sense, the third and fourth chapters attempt to

provide answers to these questions, while the fifth and sixth chapters illustrate how a

poststructuralist-based analysis can be applied to the study of diplomacy and security.

The fifth and sixth chapters reproduce to a certain degree the two tracks around which the

research has been designed around. As such, the chapters comprise of a part that analyzes the

relation between PT and the particular subfield being analyzed as well as how PT can be applied

to the study of diplomacy and security. Where diplomacy is concerned, the chapter starts from

the premise that while diplomacy is a central concept in IR, it is only in recent years that the

study of diplomacy has sought to develop a comprehensive body of theorization. Moreover, what

20 Ibid., 225. 21 Hansen, “Discourse Analysis, Post-structuralism, and Foreign Policy”, 95. 22 For how PT engages with discursive power, see: Roxanne Lynn Doty, Imperial Encounters. The Politics

of Representation in North – South Relations (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press,

1996).

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is particular about the issue of diplomacy and IR theory is not only that diplomacy is rather

neglected when compared to other concepts such “sovereignty” or “security”, but that the

poststructuralist theory is one of the firsts to provide a theoretical account of diplomacy.

In the chapter on security, the objective has been to illustrate how in the post-Cold War

period, the poststructuralist theory in IR has been influential in proposing new avenues for the

study of security and how it continued to do so after the post-September 11, 2001 period as well.

In keeping in line with the two tracks of research, the chapter also addresses how the concept of

security can be analyzed from a language-based approach. In this sense, the main research

questions in support of this line of inquiry have been to ascertain whether PT can propose a

different way of thinking about security, and if so, “what would these ways might look like?”,

followed by: “in what way might these ways contribute to the study of security?”.

Based on the poststructuralist understanding of language in IR, the final chapter proposes an

exercise in discourse analysis. In analyzing the notion of “imminence”, the objective has been to

track how the meaning of imminence becomes discursively flexible depending on the particular

context in which it is utilized. In this instance, the notion of “imminence” applied to a particular

case study (an American unilateral intervention against a terror group accused of posing an

imminent threat to the United States from its safe havens in civil war-stricken Syria) is analyzed

at the policy level, at the media level, and at the scholarly level. The proposed discourse analysis

answers a comprehensive array of research questions: descriptive (“What is imminence?”),

interpretive, explanatory, technical, and evaluative.

Interpretive questions concern both conceptual issues surrounding the notion of “imminence”

(“What does it mean?”) as well as “authority-based questions” (“What do these experts,

government officials, and journalists mean when they operate with the notion of “imminence” in

general, and “imminent threat” in particular?). On the issue of explanatory questions, the

discourse analysis is less concerned with causal relations (“Why does the notion of “imminence”

produce specific types of effects under different conditions?” or “What enables it to produce

such effects?”), preferring to address instead a historical dimension (“How did the operational

meaning of “imminence” evolve over time?”). Technical questions are concerned with

ascertainig “How is the notion of “imminence” being used across different types of discourse?”.

Finally, in terms of evaluative questions, it reviews the significance of the way in which notions

are employed by different actors (“What difference is made when the meaning of a notion

changes depending on the given discursive register?”).

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● Structure of Research

○ Chapter I: IR Theory and Disciplinary History

The first and second chapters provide extensive reviews of the broader theoretical and meta-

theoretical IR context in order to better understand what were the conditions that facilitated the

apparition of poststructuralism as part of – what Robert Keohane refers to as – the “reflectivist”23

wave in IR. Since in the conduct of the present research, poststructuralism represents the entry

point for engaging with IR, the first chapter locates the theory in terms of a brief, but

comprehensive overview of the disciplinary history of IR and analyzes the place occupied by PT

in the Great Debates framework, specifically within the Fourth Debate.

Even from these early chapters, the analysis anticipates PT’s predilection for the study of

binary oppositions and illustrates how the IRT is dominated by theoretical binary frameworks

and paradigmatic entrenchments as evidenced by the “Great Debates”. Traditionally, the Great

Debates have been regarded as theoretical “disputes” between various theoretical positions

ranging from postwar Realism and interwar Liberalism (Idealism) in the First Debate;

Traditionalism and Behaviouralism (Scientism) in the Second Debate; Neorealism,

Neoliberalism, and Neomarxism in the Third (interparadigmatic) Debate; and lastly, Rationalism

(Positivism) and Reflectivism (or Postpositivism) in the Fourth Debate. The themes debated

encompass aspects related to politics, philosophy, epistemology, ontology, and methodology.

The chapter examines background aspects regarding the field of IR as a social science,

followed by a comparative analysis on what constitutes a theory in IR. After setting the scene,

the chapter reviews the history of the discipline in terms of the four debates mentioned above,

provides summaries of the various theoretical positions participating to these debates, and also

addresses how the field of IR was impacted by them.

○ Chapter II: The Advent of Postpositivism in IR

Having located the poststructuralist theory in the context of the Fourth Debate, the second

chapter concerns itself with the meta-theoretical aspects that guide IR research and theorization

and introduces those stances which characterize PT, namely, postpositivism and anti-

foundationalism. According to Ole Wæver, the Fourth Debate was primarily disputed along

philosophical and epistemological lines24. New theories challenge the established order and

propose new meta-theoretical avenues for doing science. If in the first chapter, the section on the

23 See Robert O. Keohane, “International Institutions: Two Approaches”, International Studies Quarterly 32, no. 4

(December 1988): 379-96. 24 Ole Wæver, “The Rise and Fall of the Inter-paradigm Debate”, in International Theory: Positivism and Beyond,

ed. Steve Smith, Ken Booth and Marysia Zalewski (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 157.

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Fourth Debate addressed the meaning of terms such as “rationalism” and “reflectivism”, the

second chapter seeks to clarify what is meant by “interpretivism”, “postpositivism” or “anti-

foundationalism”. Like in the case of “reflectivism”, these terms are also associated with the

Fourth Debate, and, particularly, with the poststructuralist theory. While each of these meta-

theoretical stances has its own set of particularities, in IR they tend to denote a particular thing

about the way research is conducted. Specifically, they refer to the idea that our analysis of

international phenomena cannot be entirely divorced from our interpretation of them. In other

words, they are skeptical of particular analyses being treated in universalist terms.

○ Chapter III: The Poststructuralist Theory: Challenging Disciplinary Order

Having laid the foundations for the analysis, the third chapter is dedicated exclusively to the

introduction and analysis of PT. Without claiming to provide an exhaustive account of

poststructuralism, the chapter is concerned with several issues: 1) origins, 2) meta-theoretical

sensibilities; 3) the theory’s relation with IR and with other IRTs (in particular, with neorealism);

4) poststructuralism’s propensity for the study of language and discourse; and lastly, 5) the

concepts that occupy a key position in PT’s approach to IR (power, sovereignty, identity).

By inhabiting a discursive dimension, poststructuralism has often times been misconstrued as

being rather dismissive of the international reality, and of the “real” things that are affected and

afflicted by tangible causes. PT’s focus on language, discourse, narratives, and, more

importantly, on the relativity of language has been castigated as nihilistic. This was the case

especially in the beginning when poststructuralism’s predilection for critical meta-theoretical

soliloquies garnered the opprobrium of its peers. Its critics likened themselves to be far removed

from the taint of power, politics, and ideology with which PT was so concerned with. Yet, as this

chapter shows, the theory does not stray too far from the topics generally associated with IR and

brings its contribution to the study of security, war, foreign policy, diplomacy, international

institutions, conflict resolution, terrorism, etc.

○ Chapter IV: Poststructuralism’s to Discourse Analysis

The fourth chapter introduces the notion of “discourse analysis” since poststructuralism relies

on discourse in order to illustrate how language is not just a medium that provides tools for

communication, nor one that can be used to advance purely objective representations of the

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world. Whereas positivist theories are grounded in assumptions25 designed to separate the

studied world from the research experience, poststructuralism considers that language is political

rather than utilitarian. In this sense, the fourth chapter attempts to put together a poststructuralist

framework for the study of discourse that is grounded in an analysis based on the contributions

of French theorists such as Jacques Derrida and Michel Foucault. Even though the study of PT is

not limited only to discourse analysis, nor are the two of them exclusively co-dependent on one

another, for the present study, discourse analysis provides PT with an accessible and nuanced

modality to conduct its critical endeavors. The chapter introduces several way of approaching

discourse analysis – some of which originate with Derrida (deconstruction, grammatology) and

Foucault (archaeology, genealogy) while others have been proposed by IR theorists (like in the

case of the textual mechanisms analyzed in the last section of the chapter that have been initially

theorized by Jennifer Milliken or Roxanne Doty). Moreover, another section concerns various

types of discourses analyses that, in turn, have been influenced to a greater or lesser degree by

the poststructuralist theory of language (see for example: Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s

discourse theory, Foucauldian Discourse Analysis).

○ Chapter V: Diplomacy: A Poststructuralist Theory for the Mediation of Estrangement

The fifth and sixth chapters are concerned with the notions of “diplomacy” and “security”.

The thesis focuses on these two concepts more extensively because they occupy such an integral

position in the study of world politics. In terms of “diplomacy”, the chapter points out that,

curiously enough, authors associated with poststructuralism were among the first to propose a

theorization of diplomacy. The chapter notes that while diplomacy occupies a central position in

the conduct of foreign policy, it had been quite neglected from a theoretical perspective with

research being limited to diplomatic histories or practical guides illustrating how to do

diplomacy. From a poststructuralist perspective, the chapter introduces and analyzes “a

genealogy of diplomacy”. James Der Derian’s On Diplomacy: A Genealogy of Western

Estrangement (1987) is one of the first major contributions to the study of PT in IR as well as to

the study of diplomacy from an IRT perspective. Der Derian’s argument is premised on the idea

that diplomacy represents a “mediation of estrangement” not only between states, but between

communities and polities alike. To understand how a poststructuralist analysis might look like in

25 Here, I am referring specifically to assumptions concerning : the existence of an external world whose essence is

not dependent on the actions of the researcher (“epistemic realism”); “the existence of a universal scientific”

language (meaning that the world can be described and accounted for without recourse to subjectivism, by clinical

observers); and “the correspondence between theory and practice” (this refers to the fact that stated aspects of the

world are considered to be true if they have a correspondent in reality) (Campbell, “Poststructuralism”, 227-228).

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researching a particular notion or another, Der Derian’s genealogy locates the essence of

diplomacy in this phenomenon of estrangement that goes as far back as the Judeo-Christian

recollection of the Fall. In Der Derian’s view, “the form this mediation takes, [...] constitutes a

theoretical and historical base for the study of the origins of diplomacy”26.

○ Chapter VI: Security: More than Just a Concept

The sixth chapter addresses not only the notion of “security”, but also how – after the end of

the Cold War – the subfield of Security Studies goes through a period of expansion. This period

opened the door to various critical approaches, amidst which we can also talk about a

poststructuralist approach to Security Studies. In terms of international security, studies

inspired by PT have focused on the way the construction of threats, danger, and identity is

dependent upon what Columba Peoples and Nick Vaughan-Williams refer to as “politics of

language, interpretation and representation”27. In this sense, the chapter provides an overview of

how “security” developed in the contemporary period, from the end of the Cold War and up to

the period post-September 11, 2001. Where the analysis of the concept is concerned, the chapter

proposes several ways in which security and security practices can be addressed, ways that have

also been tributary to the contributions of Derrida and Foucault to the study of language.

Therefore, the chapter contains sections on security understood in terms of discursive practices,

security as speech act or security as (thick, empty, or floating) signifier. Particular attention is

given to Jef Huysmans’ article “Security! What Do You Mean? From Concept to Thick

Signifier” (1998). Similar to the way Der Derian’s research opened the door to new theoretical

avenues to research diplomacy, Huysmans’ study also proposed an innovative approach to

security that stems from a concern with the “meaning of security”28, independent of more

traditional definitional or conceptual approaches.

○ Chapter VII: Imminence, Terror, and Preeemption: The Anatomy of a Discourse

The sixth chapter ends on an analysis of how the terror attacks from September 11, 2001 had

influenced state practice and the subfield of Security Studies and the seventh chapter further

expands on this topic. More specifically, the chapter analyzes how the meaning of “imminence”

26 James Der Derian, On Diplomacy: A Genealogy of Western Estrangement (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 6. 27 Columba Peoples and Nick Vaughan-Williams, Critical Security Studies. An Introduction (Second Edition) (Oxon

and New York: Routledge, 2015), 76. 28 Jef Huysmans, “Security! What Do You Mean? From Concept to Thick Signifier”, European Journal of

International Relations 4, no. 2, (June 1998): 226.

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– a condition that occupies a central place (next to “necessity” and “proportionality”) in the

context of a state’s use of force in self-defense – has been broadened in the aftermath of the

terrorist attacks from September 11, 2001. The chapter uses discourse analysis to illustrate how

this process of broadening occurred. Up until this point, we have seen how PT is preoccupied

with the way in which meaning and identities are constructed and how, by extension, they play a

role in the development of foreign policies and security practices. While realist theorist Stephen

Walt might have described poststructuralism as “a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is

divorced from the real world”29, a poststructuralist discourse-based approach can help us better

understand how things came to be. Not „why?”, but „how was it possible?”30. A “why?”

question wants to know the reasons behind something, the causes that made a certain outcome

possible. Roxanne Lynn Doty considers that a “why-question” only tries to ascertain why “a

certain policy decision was predictable given a particular set of circumstances”31. Whereas

“how?” is interested in the manner in which something transpired. It refers to the process, to the

“mechanics” that were conducive to a certain outcome. According to Doty, the “how-question”

“examines how meanings are produced and attached to various social subjects / objects, thus

constituting particular interpretive dispositions which creat certain possibilities and preclude

others”32. In other words, how something is “socially constructed” and which, in turn, enables

particular interpretive practices or courses of action.

The chapter reviews the provisions on imminence specified in the U.N. Charter and in the

international customary law as well as in the post-2001 National Security Strategies which

starting with the Bush Administration propose and operate with a new conception of imminence,

that has also been upheld and expanded on by the Obama Administration. The argument on

which the new conception is premised states that given the threat posed by terrorism and rogue

states, a victim state can no longer afford to wait until there is definitive proof that an attack is

incoming. The current international provisions no longer meet a state’s contemporary security

requirements since according to President Obama, they pertain to “a rule-book written for

another century”33.

“Imminence” represents a concept that at any one point, inhabits a plurality of meanings: a

literal meaning (“imminent as in something that is about to happen”), an official meaning (used

to legitimate the use of force in self-defense, it stipulates that a state has to “show a necesity of

29 Stephen M. Walt, “The Renaissance of Security Studies”, International Studies Quarterly 35, no. 2 (June 1991): 223. 30 Roxanne Lynn Doty, “Foreign Policy as Social Construction: A Post-Positivist Analysis of U.S.

Counterinsurgency Policy in the Philippines”, International Studies Quarterly 37, no. 3 (September 1993): 297-8. 31 Ibid., 298. 32 Ibid. 33 Barack Obama, “Remarks by President Obama in Address to the United Nations General Assembly”, United

Nations, New York, September 24, 2014, accessed August 25, 2016, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-

press-office/2014/09/24/remarks-president-obama-address-united-nations-general-assembly.

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self-defence, instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice of means, and no moment of

deliberation”34), and a broad meaning advanced by the United States (which stems from the

notion that there are malicious actors – constantly planning (terror) attacks – that given an

opportunity would not hesitate to attack which is why states have to act as if the threat is

“imminent”). The case analyzed in this chapter illustrates how – depending on the interpretive

disposition used – the meaning attached to the word is relative to the target audience. Therefore,

though switching between meanings might produce certain cognitive and rhetorical dissonances

(“not imminence” as “imminence”), the notion maintains its semantic consistency due to the

given register in which it is being used as well as to the various factors that are involved in its

construction. The question asked is not “what provoked this change in meaning?”, but “how this

change is being actively produced and reproduced by the discourse on terror, threat, and the

state’s right to self-defense?”. To illustrate this play of meaning, the chapter analyzes the case

surrounding the intervention against a terror group – Khorasan – affilitated with al Qaeda and

which the U.S. regarded as an imminent threat. Members of the group were said to have moved

to Syria in order to take advantage of the safe havens created in the course of the ongoing civil

war in order to recruit foreign jihadists that had European and American passports, with the

intent to plant an undetectable bomb in an aircraft bound for the U.S. The reason why the

intervention is not seen as an arbitrary use of force as well as why it did not attract too much

attention at that time or ever since, is due to the way in which “imminence” has been broadened

in the context of the threat posed by terrorism.

The discourse analysis focuses on two issues. First, it tracks how the rhetoric on imminence

switches from one register to another, from a threat that is about to happen – “instant and

overwhelming” – to a threat located in a “future in the future”35. Second, it points out how the

“imminent threat” was constructed initially by applying a series of textual mechanisms

(predication, presupposition, and subject positioning). These textual mechanisms deconstruct the

discourse in its component elements in order to see how the concept is constituted through a

discursive practice that structures it into – what Doty refers to as – a “grid of intelligibility”36:

“Taken together, these textual mechanisms, predication, presupposition, and subject positioning

produce a “world” by providing positions for various kinds of subjects and endowing them with

34 See: Daniel Webster, “Letter from Secretary of State Daniel Webster to British Minister to the United States Lord

Alexander Baring Ashburton”, Department of State, Washington, July 27, 1842, The Avalon Project. Documents in

Law, History and Diplomacy, accessed August 10, 2016, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/br-1842d.asp. 35 For the reference on “future in the future”, see: Pentagon Press Secretary John Kirby, “Department of Defense

Press Briefing by Rear Adm. Kirby in the Pentagon Briefing Room”, September 25, 2014, U.S. Department of

Defense, accessed on August 6, 2016, https://www.defense.gov/News//Transcripts/Transcript-View/Article/606

932/department-of-defense-press-briefing-by-rear-adm-kirby-in-the-pentagon-briefing/. 36 Doty, “Foreign Policy as Social Construction”,306.

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particular attributes”37. In order to illustrate how meaning is constructed, the discourse analysis

utilizes official statements, public addresses by government officials, and media articles.

More importantly, outside what the discourse analysis shows in terms of the various

conceptions employed in the utilization of “imminence”, outside the contradictions and

discursive tensions, the analysis also highlights how such a discourse influences and shapes a

media discourse while also impacting upon the lawful character of the intervention. This ties into

the fact that the contemporary terror and counter-terror practices – as I show in the chapter on

security – create, what Giorgio Agamben describes as “a state of exception”38 – where the

decision-makers inhabit a paradoxical position “by standing inside and outside the law

simultaneously” and therefore being able to “suspend the normal juridical framework”39. In

practice, this leads to a suspension of the normal juridcal framework especially when, as seen by

this case, the operational practice contradicts the international norms.

37 Ibid., 306-7. 38 Meaning “the singularity that defies categorization and so jams up the foundation of juridical reason” (Robin

Truth Goodman, Policing Narratives and the State of Terror (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press,

2009), 63). 39 See Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford:

Stanford University Press, 1998), 15, referred toin: Saul Newman, Power and Politics in Poststructuralist Thought.

New Theories of the Political (Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2005), 105.

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